Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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[Ynet News] Giora Eiland - The most that any Israeli government can offer the Palestinians (and still survive politically) is much less than the minimum that any Palestinian regime could agree to accept (and still survive politically). The real gap between the sides is huge, and it keeps on growing. With the rise of Hamas, it is clear that should a final-status agreement be secured, and should Hamas not torpedo it, there is high likelihood that a Palestinian state in the West Bank would be controlled by Hamas. For Israel, this is not only a question of "painful concessions," but rather also of taking an unreasonable risk. In addition, the conviction by Israelis that the Palestinians want "only" a small state split between Gaza and the West Bank is waning. A final-status agreement cannot be secured in the foreseeable future and the time has come to think about other solutions. One of them is a return not to the 1967 borders, but rather to the reality that prevailed in 1967, when Jordan controlled the West Bank. Maj.-Gen. (res.) Giora Eiland is the former head of Israel's National Security Council. 2008-09-03 01:00:00Full Article
With Two-State Solution Increasingly Unlikely, Time to Reconsider the Jordanian Option
[Ynet News] Giora Eiland - The most that any Israeli government can offer the Palestinians (and still survive politically) is much less than the minimum that any Palestinian regime could agree to accept (and still survive politically). The real gap between the sides is huge, and it keeps on growing. With the rise of Hamas, it is clear that should a final-status agreement be secured, and should Hamas not torpedo it, there is high likelihood that a Palestinian state in the West Bank would be controlled by Hamas. For Israel, this is not only a question of "painful concessions," but rather also of taking an unreasonable risk. In addition, the conviction by Israelis that the Palestinians want "only" a small state split between Gaza and the West Bank is waning. A final-status agreement cannot be secured in the foreseeable future and the time has come to think about other solutions. One of them is a return not to the 1967 borders, but rather to the reality that prevailed in 1967, when Jordan controlled the West Bank. Maj.-Gen. (res.) Giora Eiland is the former head of Israel's National Security Council. 2008-09-03 01:00:00Full Article
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