Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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[Ha'aretz] Interview with Dr. Uzi Arad by Ari Shavit - Dr. Uzi Arad served in the Mossad for more than 20 years and later initiated and managed the annual Herzliya Conference on national policy. He now heads Israel's National Security Council. He said in an interview published Friday: Regrettably, we have not so far been successful in bringing about Arab internalization of our right of existence. I have not yet encountered an Arab personage who is capable of saying quietly and clearly that he or she accepts Israel's right of existence. I don't see among the Palestinians a process of truly drawing closer to acceptance of Israel and peace with Israel. I also do not see a Palestinian leadership or a Palestinian regime but a disorderly constellation of forces and factions. There is no Palestinian Sadat. There is no Palestinian Mandela. Abbas is not vulgar like Arafat and not militant and extreme like Hamas. But even in him I do not discern the interest or the will to arrive at the end of the conflict with Israel. On the contrary, he is preserving eternal grievances against us and intensifying them. The more Israel moves toward the Palestinians, the more they move away. And they do that because even the moderates among them do not really want a settlement. At most, they are striving toward a settlement in order to renew the confrontation from a better position. The majority of Israel's governments insisted that Israel would stay on the Golan Heights. That is also the position of the majority of the public. If there is a territorial compromise, it is one that still leaves Israel on the Golan Heights and deep into the Golan Heights. If you want to enforce the clauses of the Roadmap, you have to enforce all of them. And security violations are more serious than building violations: Kassam rockets kill people, settlements do not. If they come to us and count every settlement, they have to apply the same indices and the same principles to the Palestinians. If there is an Israeli-Palestinian settlement that will lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state, Israel's membership in NATO and a defense alliance between Israel and the United States should be part of the quid pro quo that Israel will receive. Serious experts who are not Israelis look at the Middle East and say that if Iran is nuclear in 2015, the Middle East will be nuclear in 2020. And a multi-nuclear Middle East is a nightmare - five or six nuclear states in a jumpy and unstable region. 2009-07-10 06:00:00Full Article
The Search for a Palestinian Partner
[Ha'aretz] Interview with Dr. Uzi Arad by Ari Shavit - Dr. Uzi Arad served in the Mossad for more than 20 years and later initiated and managed the annual Herzliya Conference on national policy. He now heads Israel's National Security Council. He said in an interview published Friday: Regrettably, we have not so far been successful in bringing about Arab internalization of our right of existence. I have not yet encountered an Arab personage who is capable of saying quietly and clearly that he or she accepts Israel's right of existence. I don't see among the Palestinians a process of truly drawing closer to acceptance of Israel and peace with Israel. I also do not see a Palestinian leadership or a Palestinian regime but a disorderly constellation of forces and factions. There is no Palestinian Sadat. There is no Palestinian Mandela. Abbas is not vulgar like Arafat and not militant and extreme like Hamas. But even in him I do not discern the interest or the will to arrive at the end of the conflict with Israel. On the contrary, he is preserving eternal grievances against us and intensifying them. The more Israel moves toward the Palestinians, the more they move away. And they do that because even the moderates among them do not really want a settlement. At most, they are striving toward a settlement in order to renew the confrontation from a better position. The majority of Israel's governments insisted that Israel would stay on the Golan Heights. That is also the position of the majority of the public. If there is a territorial compromise, it is one that still leaves Israel on the Golan Heights and deep into the Golan Heights. If you want to enforce the clauses of the Roadmap, you have to enforce all of them. And security violations are more serious than building violations: Kassam rockets kill people, settlements do not. If they come to us and count every settlement, they have to apply the same indices and the same principles to the Palestinians. If there is an Israeli-Palestinian settlement that will lead to the establishment of a Palestinian state, Israel's membership in NATO and a defense alliance between Israel and the United States should be part of the quid pro quo that Israel will receive. Serious experts who are not Israelis look at the Middle East and say that if Iran is nuclear in 2015, the Middle East will be nuclear in 2020. And a multi-nuclear Middle East is a nightmare - five or six nuclear states in a jumpy and unstable region. 2009-07-10 06:00:00Full Article
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