Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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[Foreign Policy] Larry Franklin - In February 2003, a few weeks before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, President George W. Bush's administration still lacked a real strategy for Iran, the would-be regional hegemon next door. As the Iran desk officer in the office of the secretary of defense, I knew from my sources that Tehran had already prepared an entire network of operatives, proxies, and weapons ready to challenge the U.S. as soon as it toppled Saddam Hussein. I was not, however, very brave. I did not confront either my boss in the Office of Special Plans, Douglas Feith, or his boss, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, about my overriding fears that Iran could spoil our plans in Iraq - and wreak havoc in the region. In a foolish, spur-of-the-moment decision, I asked Steven Rosen, foreign-policy director of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, to approach the National Security Council's Elliott Abrams with my concerns. This action ultimately led to my indictment, in 2005, for espionage after Rosen relayed my comments to an Israeli diplomat. But my intention was never to leak secrets to a foreign government. I wanted to halt the rush to war in Iraq - at least long enough to adopt a realistic policy toward an Iran bent on doing us ill. Inside the Pentagon, I had long argued that regime change, not accommodation or war, would be our best policy. I urged the U.S. to recognize a government in exile. I proposed a sophisticated propaganda offensive, planting stories in the Persian-language media to undermine Iranians' confidence in their leaders. I urged that we highlight Iran's human rights record, and that we expose the regime's "gulag" of prisons. I suggested we disrupt the Islamic Republic's monetary transactions by blocking its attempts to secure loans and grants from international lending institutions. 2009-10-21 06:00:00Full Article
My Secret Plan to Overthrow the Mullahs
[Foreign Policy] Larry Franklin - In February 2003, a few weeks before the U.S. invasion of Iraq, President George W. Bush's administration still lacked a real strategy for Iran, the would-be regional hegemon next door. As the Iran desk officer in the office of the secretary of defense, I knew from my sources that Tehran had already prepared an entire network of operatives, proxies, and weapons ready to challenge the U.S. as soon as it toppled Saddam Hussein. I was not, however, very brave. I did not confront either my boss in the Office of Special Plans, Douglas Feith, or his boss, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, about my overriding fears that Iran could spoil our plans in Iraq - and wreak havoc in the region. In a foolish, spur-of-the-moment decision, I asked Steven Rosen, foreign-policy director of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, to approach the National Security Council's Elliott Abrams with my concerns. This action ultimately led to my indictment, in 2005, for espionage after Rosen relayed my comments to an Israeli diplomat. But my intention was never to leak secrets to a foreign government. I wanted to halt the rush to war in Iraq - at least long enough to adopt a realistic policy toward an Iran bent on doing us ill. Inside the Pentagon, I had long argued that regime change, not accommodation or war, would be our best policy. I urged the U.S. to recognize a government in exile. I proposed a sophisticated propaganda offensive, planting stories in the Persian-language media to undermine Iranians' confidence in their leaders. I urged that we highlight Iran's human rights record, and that we expose the regime's "gulag" of prisons. I suggested we disrupt the Islamic Republic's monetary transactions by blocking its attempts to secure loans and grants from international lending institutions. 2009-10-21 06:00:00Full Article
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