Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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[Wall Street Journal] Amir Taheri - Politically, Hizballah had to declare victory: It had to pretend that the death and desolation it had provoked had been worth it. A claim of victory was Hizballah's shield against criticism of a strategy that had led Lebanon into war without the knowledge of its government and people. The tactic worked for a day or two. However, even Prime Minister Fuad Siniora has made it clear that he would not allow Hizballah to continue as a state within the state. Michel Aoun, a maverick Christian leader and tactical ally of Hizballah, has called for the Shiite militia to disband. Hizballah is also criticized from within the Lebanese Shiite community, which accounts for some 40 percent of the population. Sayyed Ali al-Amin, the grand old man of Lebanese Shiism, has broken years of silence to criticize Hizballah for provoking the war, and called for its disarmament. Money sent from Shiite immigrants in West Africa (where they dominate the diamond trade) and in the U.S. (especially Michigan) has helped create a prosperous middle class of Shiites more interested in the good life than martyrdom. This new Shiite bourgeoisie dreams of a place in the mainstream of Lebanese politics and hopes to use the community's demographic advantage as a springboard for national leadership. In the 2004 municipal elections, Hizballah won some 40 percent of the votes in the Shiite areas. In last year's general election, Hizballah won only 12 of the 27 seats allocated to Shiites in the 128-seat National Assembly - despite making alliances with Christian and Druze parties and spending vast sums of Iranian money to buy votes. Hizballah's position is no more secure in the broader Arab world, where it is seen as an Iranian tool rather than as the vanguard of a new Nahdha (Awakening), as the Western media claim. "Hizballah won the propaganda war because many in the West wanted it to win as a means of settling score with the United States," says Egyptian columnist Ali al-Ibrahim. "But the Arabs have become wise enough to know TV victory from real victory." 2006-08-25 01:00:00Full Article
Hizballah Didn't Win
[Wall Street Journal] Amir Taheri - Politically, Hizballah had to declare victory: It had to pretend that the death and desolation it had provoked had been worth it. A claim of victory was Hizballah's shield against criticism of a strategy that had led Lebanon into war without the knowledge of its government and people. The tactic worked for a day or two. However, even Prime Minister Fuad Siniora has made it clear that he would not allow Hizballah to continue as a state within the state. Michel Aoun, a maverick Christian leader and tactical ally of Hizballah, has called for the Shiite militia to disband. Hizballah is also criticized from within the Lebanese Shiite community, which accounts for some 40 percent of the population. Sayyed Ali al-Amin, the grand old man of Lebanese Shiism, has broken years of silence to criticize Hizballah for provoking the war, and called for its disarmament. Money sent from Shiite immigrants in West Africa (where they dominate the diamond trade) and in the U.S. (especially Michigan) has helped create a prosperous middle class of Shiites more interested in the good life than martyrdom. This new Shiite bourgeoisie dreams of a place in the mainstream of Lebanese politics and hopes to use the community's demographic advantage as a springboard for national leadership. In the 2004 municipal elections, Hizballah won some 40 percent of the votes in the Shiite areas. In last year's general election, Hizballah won only 12 of the 27 seats allocated to Shiites in the 128-seat National Assembly - despite making alliances with Christian and Druze parties and spending vast sums of Iranian money to buy votes. Hizballah's position is no more secure in the broader Arab world, where it is seen as an Iranian tool rather than as the vanguard of a new Nahdha (Awakening), as the Western media claim. "Hizballah won the propaganda war because many in the West wanted it to win as a means of settling score with the United States," says Egyptian columnist Ali al-Ibrahim. "But the Arabs have become wise enough to know TV victory from real victory." 2006-08-25 01:00:00Full Article
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