Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
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Government:
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[Bloomberg] Bernard Lewis - The current fighting in Gaza raises again the agonizing question: What kind of accommodation is possible, if ever, between Israel and the Arabs? In several Arab countries at the present time, and in wider Arab circles, there is a growing perception that they face a danger more deadly and menacing than Israel: the threat of militant, radical Shiite Islam, directed from Iran. Iran, a non-Arab state with a long imperial tradition, seeks to extend its rule across the Arab lands toward the Mediterranean. Iranian tentacles are spreading westward into Iraq and beyond into Syria, Lebanon and the Palestine territories, notably Gaza. This double threat of Iranian empire and Shiite revolution is seen by many Arab leaders as constituting a greater threat than Israel could ever pose. During the war in Lebanon in 2006 between Israel and the Iranian-supported Shiite Hizbullah, the usual Arab support for the Arab side was strikingly absent. Some Arab governments and Arab peoples were hoping for an Israeli victory, and their disappointment was palpable. We see similar ambiguities over the situation in Gaza. Many see Gaza as a mortal threat to the Sunni Arab establishment. In this situation, it is not impossible that some consensus will emerge, along the lines of Sadat's accommodation with Israel, for the maintenance of the status quo. Such a peace, like that between Egypt and Israel, would be at best cool, and always threatened by radical forces, but it would certainly be better than a state of war, and it could last a long time. The writer is professor emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. 2009-01-07 06:00:00Full Article
Mideast Peace Rests with Arabs, Not U.S., Europe
[Bloomberg] Bernard Lewis - The current fighting in Gaza raises again the agonizing question: What kind of accommodation is possible, if ever, between Israel and the Arabs? In several Arab countries at the present time, and in wider Arab circles, there is a growing perception that they face a danger more deadly and menacing than Israel: the threat of militant, radical Shiite Islam, directed from Iran. Iran, a non-Arab state with a long imperial tradition, seeks to extend its rule across the Arab lands toward the Mediterranean. Iranian tentacles are spreading westward into Iraq and beyond into Syria, Lebanon and the Palestine territories, notably Gaza. This double threat of Iranian empire and Shiite revolution is seen by many Arab leaders as constituting a greater threat than Israel could ever pose. During the war in Lebanon in 2006 between Israel and the Iranian-supported Shiite Hizbullah, the usual Arab support for the Arab side was strikingly absent. Some Arab governments and Arab peoples were hoping for an Israeli victory, and their disappointment was palpable. We see similar ambiguities over the situation in Gaza. Many see Gaza as a mortal threat to the Sunni Arab establishment. In this situation, it is not impossible that some consensus will emerge, along the lines of Sadat's accommodation with Israel, for the maintenance of the status quo. Such a peace, like that between Egypt and Israel, would be at best cool, and always threatened by radical forces, but it would certainly be better than a state of war, and it could last a long time. The writer is professor emeritus of Near Eastern Studies at Princeton University. 2009-01-07 06:00:00Full Article
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