Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
Back
(New York Jewish Week) James D. Besser - There is a growing sense in Washington that the Obama administration - chastened by its early misstep on settlements and its premature promises of quick progress in restarting stalled negotiations - is crafting a low-key, pragmatic plan that limits expectations, rejects dramatic public events and takes into account the political dilemmas faced by both Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and Palestinian leader Abbas. Despite some press reports, Washington is unlikely to ratchet up pressure on Netanyahu or spell out detailed U.S. positions on critical issues like borders and the status of Jewish settlement blocs. David Makovsky, senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said the administration is on the verge of a significant policy shift, with an emphasis on addressing the top concerns of both sides while eschewing high-profile meetings and sweeping expectations. Palestinian leaders "want 'proximity talks,'" Makovsky said. "They want [U.S. special envoy George] Mitchell shuttling from side to side, building momentum." Israel, on the other hand, prefers direct talks to third-party mediation, Makovsky said. Initially, the talks are likely to focus on the single issue of territory and borders, he said. Abbas is ready to move past the settlements roadblock - erected in large measure by the Obama administration's initial focus on a complete freeze, he said. Edward Walker, a former State Department official and one-time U.S. ambassador in Tel Aviv, said that what's shaping up may be more a diplomatic holding action than a serious ratcheting up of U.S. involvement. The reason: leaders on both sides are not ready to embrace the political risks any real move back to serious negotiations would entail. And the administration, he said, knows that. "There's nothing new that would warrant a new U.S. peace push at this time," Walker said. "The Palestinians are still conflicted and unable to operate together; and generally, there is decreasing interest around the world in the two-state solution." 2010-01-15 08:23:10Full Article
U.S. Crafting New, Low-Key Middle East Strategy
(New York Jewish Week) James D. Besser - There is a growing sense in Washington that the Obama administration - chastened by its early misstep on settlements and its premature promises of quick progress in restarting stalled negotiations - is crafting a low-key, pragmatic plan that limits expectations, rejects dramatic public events and takes into account the political dilemmas faced by both Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu and Palestinian leader Abbas. Despite some press reports, Washington is unlikely to ratchet up pressure on Netanyahu or spell out detailed U.S. positions on critical issues like borders and the status of Jewish settlement blocs. David Makovsky, senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, said the administration is on the verge of a significant policy shift, with an emphasis on addressing the top concerns of both sides while eschewing high-profile meetings and sweeping expectations. Palestinian leaders "want 'proximity talks,'" Makovsky said. "They want [U.S. special envoy George] Mitchell shuttling from side to side, building momentum." Israel, on the other hand, prefers direct talks to third-party mediation, Makovsky said. Initially, the talks are likely to focus on the single issue of territory and borders, he said. Abbas is ready to move past the settlements roadblock - erected in large measure by the Obama administration's initial focus on a complete freeze, he said. Edward Walker, a former State Department official and one-time U.S. ambassador in Tel Aviv, said that what's shaping up may be more a diplomatic holding action than a serious ratcheting up of U.S. involvement. The reason: leaders on both sides are not ready to embrace the political risks any real move back to serious negotiations would entail. And the administration, he said, knows that. "There's nothing new that would warrant a new U.S. peace push at this time," Walker said. "The Palestinians are still conflicted and unable to operate together; and generally, there is decreasing interest around the world in the two-state solution." 2010-01-15 08:23:10Full Article
Search Daily Alert
Search:
|