Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Los Angeles Times) Aaron David Miller - Regime change generally is a term and tactic reserved for America's enemies. The administration's repeated calls for a settlements freeze - which neither Prime Minister Netanyahu nor his coalition can accept - raises the question of whether Washington is interested in bringing about a new and more pliable Israeli government. It wouldn't be the first time America meddled in Israeli politics. On at least two occasions I know well, the U.S. not only rooted for preferred candidates (always on the Labor side) but actively took steps to shape Israeli politics, and even electoral outcomes. In 1991, President George H.W. Bush and Secretary of State James A. Baker III purposely denied Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir housing loan guarantees because of his settlement policies - a move that directly contributed to his defeat by Yitzhak Rabin, who got those same guarantees a year later. In a more direct intervention, President Clinton, in an effort to shore up then-Prime Minister Shimon Peres, orchestrated a summit of Middle East peacemakers at Sharm el Sheik and a high-profile visit to Israel in March 1996. Peres, however, lost the election to Netanyahu in a squeaker. Yet it's not at all clear that a new government or Israeli leader would fix anything. Big gaps over core issues, such as Jerusalem, stand in the way of meaningful negotiations and peace with the Palestinians. Fundamental divisions between Hamas and Fatah on the Palestinian side, and a regional situation framed by Hizbullah, Hamas, and Iran, doesn't create an auspicious environment for big decisions. The Obama administration needs a strategy: Work with, not against, the current Israeli government and the Palestinians, and see how far you can get. Then if you reach an impasse or an agreement, let the natural ebb and flow of Israeli politics (and for that matter Palestinian politics) take its course. That would be better than where the administration seems to be headed: a no-win fight over settlements, the threat of pushing its own peace plan - or worse: too-clever-by-half meddling in Israeli politics. The writer, a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, has advised both Democratic and Republican secretaries of state on Arab-Israeli negotiations. 2010-04-15 10:26:23Full Article
U.S. Acts as Though It Seeks Regime Change in Israel
(Los Angeles Times) Aaron David Miller - Regime change generally is a term and tactic reserved for America's enemies. The administration's repeated calls for a settlements freeze - which neither Prime Minister Netanyahu nor his coalition can accept - raises the question of whether Washington is interested in bringing about a new and more pliable Israeli government. It wouldn't be the first time America meddled in Israeli politics. On at least two occasions I know well, the U.S. not only rooted for preferred candidates (always on the Labor side) but actively took steps to shape Israeli politics, and even electoral outcomes. In 1991, President George H.W. Bush and Secretary of State James A. Baker III purposely denied Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir housing loan guarantees because of his settlement policies - a move that directly contributed to his defeat by Yitzhak Rabin, who got those same guarantees a year later. In a more direct intervention, President Clinton, in an effort to shore up then-Prime Minister Shimon Peres, orchestrated a summit of Middle East peacemakers at Sharm el Sheik and a high-profile visit to Israel in March 1996. Peres, however, lost the election to Netanyahu in a squeaker. Yet it's not at all clear that a new government or Israeli leader would fix anything. Big gaps over core issues, such as Jerusalem, stand in the way of meaningful negotiations and peace with the Palestinians. Fundamental divisions between Hamas and Fatah on the Palestinian side, and a regional situation framed by Hizbullah, Hamas, and Iran, doesn't create an auspicious environment for big decisions. The Obama administration needs a strategy: Work with, not against, the current Israeli government and the Palestinians, and see how far you can get. Then if you reach an impasse or an agreement, let the natural ebb and flow of Israeli politics (and for that matter Palestinian politics) take its course. That would be better than where the administration seems to be headed: a no-win fight over settlements, the threat of pushing its own peace plan - or worse: too-clever-by-half meddling in Israeli politics. The writer, a public policy scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, has advised both Democratic and Republican secretaries of state on Arab-Israeli negotiations. 2010-04-15 10:26:23Full Article
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