Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Ha'aretz) Danny Rubinstein - Why doesn't Abu Mazen carry out security reforms immediately? The retirement (including dismissal) of hundreds of people, and the appointment of young officers, are all personal issues that are hard to act on. Most of the veteran commanders have been in the same positions for years and there are many with a great deal of power. In addition, almost all the officers are connected to the Fatah movement and having party backing makes it very difficult to remove them from their jobs. It is not certain that Abu Mazen will be able to carry out the reform without arousing the anger of large circles of people. The Fatah movement is becoming very weak. The general public is feeling disdain toward its leaders. In a variety of ways, they have repeatedly been accusing them, saying: We are tired of your corruption. The quarrels and the rifts in Fatah, the Palestinian ruling party, are steadily increasing, to the point where sometimes it seems that the senior members of Fatah have decided to commit political suicide in the elections to the legislative council three months from now. The beneficiary from this is Hamas, whose style has become more confident and more vigorous. Last week, Hamas leader Khaled Mashal said that soon the so-called Third PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) will be established. The First PLO was established by Egypt and Ahmed Shukeiri, and was active during 1964-1968. The Second PLO belonged to Fatah and Arafat, operating from 1968 until the present. Now we are about to see the establishment of the Third PLO which, in Mashal's words, is "a PLO where there will no longer be a Fatah movement monopoly." A political revolution is beginning in Palestinian society and government. How will relations between Israel and the Palestinians look if and when the leaders of Hamas assume key positions in the PLO and the PA? 2005-04-04 00:00:00Full Article
Hamas is the Big Winner These Days
(Ha'aretz) Danny Rubinstein - Why doesn't Abu Mazen carry out security reforms immediately? The retirement (including dismissal) of hundreds of people, and the appointment of young officers, are all personal issues that are hard to act on. Most of the veteran commanders have been in the same positions for years and there are many with a great deal of power. In addition, almost all the officers are connected to the Fatah movement and having party backing makes it very difficult to remove them from their jobs. It is not certain that Abu Mazen will be able to carry out the reform without arousing the anger of large circles of people. The Fatah movement is becoming very weak. The general public is feeling disdain toward its leaders. In a variety of ways, they have repeatedly been accusing them, saying: We are tired of your corruption. The quarrels and the rifts in Fatah, the Palestinian ruling party, are steadily increasing, to the point where sometimes it seems that the senior members of Fatah have decided to commit political suicide in the elections to the legislative council three months from now. The beneficiary from this is Hamas, whose style has become more confident and more vigorous. Last week, Hamas leader Khaled Mashal said that soon the so-called Third PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) will be established. The First PLO was established by Egypt and Ahmed Shukeiri, and was active during 1964-1968. The Second PLO belonged to Fatah and Arafat, operating from 1968 until the present. Now we are about to see the establishment of the Third PLO which, in Mashal's words, is "a PLO where there will no longer be a Fatah movement monopoly." A political revolution is beginning in Palestinian society and government. How will relations between Israel and the Palestinians look if and when the leaders of Hamas assume key positions in the PLO and the PA? 2005-04-04 00:00:00Full Article
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