Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Washington Institute for Near East Policy) John Bradley - In the wake of the September 11 attacks, the Saudi royal family took a religious approach to the ensuing domestic crisis. By appealing to the kingdom's hardcore Wahhabi constituency - specifically, by arguing that the royal family endorsed a "truer" version of Islam than the terrorist organizations - the regime tightened its grip on the population. This agenda became clearer as subsequent developments unfolded, including the ouster of Muhammad al-Rashid, a reform-minded education minister; an increase in mass arrests of Christian Saudis; and a drastic increase in the number of beheadings. The royal family must appease both its Wahhabi constituents and the U.S., even though the two parties are inherent enemies. Current U.S. policy toward the kingdom may help keep terrorists at bay in the short term. Yet, by remaining complicit with the regime, Washington is essentially allowing the kingdom to become a recruiting ground for al-Qaeda. If the U.S. does not look beyond the short-term benefits of its relationship with the regime, it can expect to face severe consequences in the future. 2005-07-08 00:00:00Full Article
Saudi Monarchy: Part of the Problem or Part of the Solution?
(Washington Institute for Near East Policy) John Bradley - In the wake of the September 11 attacks, the Saudi royal family took a religious approach to the ensuing domestic crisis. By appealing to the kingdom's hardcore Wahhabi constituency - specifically, by arguing that the royal family endorsed a "truer" version of Islam than the terrorist organizations - the regime tightened its grip on the population. This agenda became clearer as subsequent developments unfolded, including the ouster of Muhammad al-Rashid, a reform-minded education minister; an increase in mass arrests of Christian Saudis; and a drastic increase in the number of beheadings. The royal family must appease both its Wahhabi constituents and the U.S., even though the two parties are inherent enemies. Current U.S. policy toward the kingdom may help keep terrorists at bay in the short term. Yet, by remaining complicit with the regime, Washington is essentially allowing the kingdom to become a recruiting ground for al-Qaeda. If the U.S. does not look beyond the short-term benefits of its relationship with the regime, it can expect to face severe consequences in the future. 2005-07-08 00:00:00Full Article
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