Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Weekly Standard) David Schenker - After thirty years of joint exercises, stateside training for the officer corps, and over $35 billion in U.S. military assistance, just how much influence Washington has with the Egyptian military remains unclear. While Egyptian officers clearly appreciate the benefits of military-to-military ties with Washington, the leverage derived from this relationship has been overstated. Simply put, the $1.3 billion a year U.S. grant isn't what it used to be. When U.S. assistance started flowing back in 1981, the annual military grant equated to more than 5% of the state's GDP. In 2010, it stood at less than 1/4 of a percent. Thus, it is unlikely that U.S. attempts to condition this aid to politically difficult decisions would be successful. And Washington's influence in Cairo will become even more tenuous when (and if) the military eventually returns to the barracks after elections. In the populist politics of post-revolution Egypt, close ties with the U.S. are considered a liability. In late July, the state-owned October magazine ran a cover story about the new U.S. envoy to Cairo titled, "Ambassador from Hell." Just a month earlier, Cairo turned down a $3 billion low-interest IMF loan with virtually no conditions attached, a decision seemingly predicated on a popular aversion to the U.S.: According to a Gallup Poll taken earlier this year, 75% of Egyptians oppose accepting U.S. economic assistance. The writer is director of the Program on Arab Politics at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. 2011-09-16 00:00:00Full Article
Washington's Limited Influence in Egypt
(Weekly Standard) David Schenker - After thirty years of joint exercises, stateside training for the officer corps, and over $35 billion in U.S. military assistance, just how much influence Washington has with the Egyptian military remains unclear. While Egyptian officers clearly appreciate the benefits of military-to-military ties with Washington, the leverage derived from this relationship has been overstated. Simply put, the $1.3 billion a year U.S. grant isn't what it used to be. When U.S. assistance started flowing back in 1981, the annual military grant equated to more than 5% of the state's GDP. In 2010, it stood at less than 1/4 of a percent. Thus, it is unlikely that U.S. attempts to condition this aid to politically difficult decisions would be successful. And Washington's influence in Cairo will become even more tenuous when (and if) the military eventually returns to the barracks after elections. In the populist politics of post-revolution Egypt, close ties with the U.S. are considered a liability. In late July, the state-owned October magazine ran a cover story about the new U.S. envoy to Cairo titled, "Ambassador from Hell." Just a month earlier, Cairo turned down a $3 billion low-interest IMF loan with virtually no conditions attached, a decision seemingly predicated on a popular aversion to the U.S.: According to a Gallup Poll taken earlier this year, 75% of Egyptians oppose accepting U.S. economic assistance. The writer is director of the Program on Arab Politics at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. 2011-09-16 00:00:00Full Article
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