Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Beirut Daily Star) Gerald M. Steinberg - Until there is a credible Palestinian leadership to disarm the various factions and implement a lasting accord based on the two-state model, negotiations are not going to end the conflict, and may add to the violence. The evolution of a pragmatic Palestinian leadership anchored in basic societal changes will take many years or decades. Until then, the Geneva Initiative and other paper concepts discussed under Arafat's watchful eye simply lack credibility, and public relations campaigns supported by the EU will not change this situation. Under these conditions, unilateral disengagement has become the least bad option. In the absence of what academics and policymakers refer to as "ripeness" - in terms of broad societal readiness to make realistic compromises - Israel needs to define pragmatic de facto borders. This is not a peace plan, and political and diplomatic issues related to the 1949 cease-fire line - the "green line" - are irrelevant. Israel's unilateral withdrawal will give the Palestinians far less than would have resulted from an agreement with former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak four years ago. For Israel's Arab citizens, separation means an end to the unfettered access to the West Bank that they have enjoyed since 1967. The writer is director of the program on conflict management and negotiation at Bar-Ilan University in Israel. 2004-02-16 00:00:00Full Article
Sharon's Logic on a Gaza Pullout
(Beirut Daily Star) Gerald M. Steinberg - Until there is a credible Palestinian leadership to disarm the various factions and implement a lasting accord based on the two-state model, negotiations are not going to end the conflict, and may add to the violence. The evolution of a pragmatic Palestinian leadership anchored in basic societal changes will take many years or decades. Until then, the Geneva Initiative and other paper concepts discussed under Arafat's watchful eye simply lack credibility, and public relations campaigns supported by the EU will not change this situation. Under these conditions, unilateral disengagement has become the least bad option. In the absence of what academics and policymakers refer to as "ripeness" - in terms of broad societal readiness to make realistic compromises - Israel needs to define pragmatic de facto borders. This is not a peace plan, and political and diplomatic issues related to the 1949 cease-fire line - the "green line" - are irrelevant. Israel's unilateral withdrawal will give the Palestinians far less than would have resulted from an agreement with former Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Barak four years ago. For Israel's Arab citizens, separation means an end to the unfettered access to the West Bank that they have enjoyed since 1967. The writer is director of the program on conflict management and negotiation at Bar-Ilan University in Israel. 2004-02-16 00:00:00Full Article
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