Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
Back
(Jerusalem Post) Herb Keinon - The fact that Sharon is facing so much internal opposition to the disengagement plan, but remains committed to it, will resonate favorably in Washington, and may increase the Bush administration's willingness to support the plan with firm commitments that Sharon can then take home to help convince his wavering ministers. Sharon is hoping that if he goes to Washington under fierce political fire, the Bush administration will look at his plight, realize new Israeli elections would just push everything off even longer and give the terrorists more of an opportunity to set the agenda, and decide that the least they can do is give him full backing. Sharon wants a full-throated U.S. endorsement of the plan; a U.S. commitment to help garner international support for it; a public U.S. nod that it does not expect Israel to withdraw fully to the 1967 lines but can eventually retain the large settlement blocs in the West Bank; and a promise that Israel will not come under any U.S. pressure to consider new diplomatic initiatives until Arafat is removed. Officials in the Prime Minister's Office have become fond of describing the whole disengagement idea as a "parking place." Disengagement, and its cousin the security fence, is not the final agreement with the Palestinians, but a place where Israel will "park" until the Palestinians get their house in order, dump Arafat, take on the terrorist organizations, and prove to Israel that they can present a genuine, trustworthy partner. This, needless to say, could take years, if not decades. 2004-03-19 00:00:00Full Article
Harnessing the Internal Opposition
(Jerusalem Post) Herb Keinon - The fact that Sharon is facing so much internal opposition to the disengagement plan, but remains committed to it, will resonate favorably in Washington, and may increase the Bush administration's willingness to support the plan with firm commitments that Sharon can then take home to help convince his wavering ministers. Sharon is hoping that if he goes to Washington under fierce political fire, the Bush administration will look at his plight, realize new Israeli elections would just push everything off even longer and give the terrorists more of an opportunity to set the agenda, and decide that the least they can do is give him full backing. Sharon wants a full-throated U.S. endorsement of the plan; a U.S. commitment to help garner international support for it; a public U.S. nod that it does not expect Israel to withdraw fully to the 1967 lines but can eventually retain the large settlement blocs in the West Bank; and a promise that Israel will not come under any U.S. pressure to consider new diplomatic initiatives until Arafat is removed. Officials in the Prime Minister's Office have become fond of describing the whole disengagement idea as a "parking place." Disengagement, and its cousin the security fence, is not the final agreement with the Palestinians, but a place where Israel will "park" until the Palestinians get their house in order, dump Arafat, take on the terrorist organizations, and prove to Israel that they can present a genuine, trustworthy partner. This, needless to say, could take years, if not decades. 2004-03-19 00:00:00Full Article
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