Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Washington Post) Roger Owen - International efforts to stop the violence in Syria have focused on forcing Assad to step down. But even if he did, there would be no change in the government's policy of crushing the Free Syrian Army's activities and demonstrations with force. Surrounding the president is a tightly knit group of military and security officials, mostly from the Alawite minority, who have grown enormously wealthy over the past two to three decades. Bashar al-Assad is seen as a figurehead who is easily replaceable by someone much tougher. Syria is already in a civil war, with an intensity that often surpasses that in conventional wars between nations. The Syrian regime is much more cohesive than that of Moammar Gaddafi and has much more popular support. With its loyal brigades of largely Alawite troops and its pervasive network of informers, thugs and intelligence operatives, it has been preparing to confront an internal threat for decades. Syria also has the advantage of diplomatic and other support from Russia. The writer is a professor of Middle East history at Harvard University.2012-03-19 00:00:00Full Article
Challenging Myths about Syria
(Washington Post) Roger Owen - International efforts to stop the violence in Syria have focused on forcing Assad to step down. But even if he did, there would be no change in the government's policy of crushing the Free Syrian Army's activities and demonstrations with force. Surrounding the president is a tightly knit group of military and security officials, mostly from the Alawite minority, who have grown enormously wealthy over the past two to three decades. Bashar al-Assad is seen as a figurehead who is easily replaceable by someone much tougher. Syria is already in a civil war, with an intensity that often surpasses that in conventional wars between nations. The Syrian regime is much more cohesive than that of Moammar Gaddafi and has much more popular support. With its loyal brigades of largely Alawite troops and its pervasive network of informers, thugs and intelligence operatives, it has been preparing to confront an internal threat for decades. Syria also has the advantage of diplomatic and other support from Russia. The writer is a professor of Middle East history at Harvard University.2012-03-19 00:00:00Full Article
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