Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Washington Post) Amos Yadlin - The U.S. should take five immediate steps to convince allies and adversaries alike that military action is real, imminent and doable - which are key to making it less likely. Obama should notify the U.S. Congress in writing that he reserves the right to use military force to prevent Iran's acquisition of a military nuclear capability. Washington should signal its intentions via a heightened U.S. military presence in the gulf, military exercises with Middle East allies and missile defense deployment in the region. Media coverage of these actions should be encouraged. Washington should provide advanced military technology and intelligence to strengthen Israel's military capabilities and extend the window in which Israel can mortally wound Iran's program. U.S. officials should speak publicly about the dangers of possible Iranian nuclear reconstitution in the wake of a military strike. If Iran sees military action by Israel or the West as an absolute end to its nuclear ambitions, it will be more reluctant to risk things. Obama should publicly commit to the security of U.S. allies in the gulf. This would credibly anchor the U.S. last-resort military option to three powerful interests: U.S. national security, Israeli security and the security of allied states. Israel cannot afford to outsource its security to another country. But if the U.S. wants Israel to give sanctions and diplomacy more time, Israelis must know that they will not be left high and dry if these options fail. Ironically, the best assurance the U.S. president can give Israel is a commitment to, if all else fails, resort to military action to protect critical U.S. interests. But time is running out to make this commitment credible to the people of the U.S., Israel and Iran. As the adage goes, if you want peace, prepare (credibly) for war. The writer, a former chief of Israeli military intelligence, is director of Israel's Institute for National Security Studies.2012-08-20 00:00:00Full Article
Five Steps Obama Can Take to Avert an Israeli Strike on Iran
(Washington Post) Amos Yadlin - The U.S. should take five immediate steps to convince allies and adversaries alike that military action is real, imminent and doable - which are key to making it less likely. Obama should notify the U.S. Congress in writing that he reserves the right to use military force to prevent Iran's acquisition of a military nuclear capability. Washington should signal its intentions via a heightened U.S. military presence in the gulf, military exercises with Middle East allies and missile defense deployment in the region. Media coverage of these actions should be encouraged. Washington should provide advanced military technology and intelligence to strengthen Israel's military capabilities and extend the window in which Israel can mortally wound Iran's program. U.S. officials should speak publicly about the dangers of possible Iranian nuclear reconstitution in the wake of a military strike. If Iran sees military action by Israel or the West as an absolute end to its nuclear ambitions, it will be more reluctant to risk things. Obama should publicly commit to the security of U.S. allies in the gulf. This would credibly anchor the U.S. last-resort military option to three powerful interests: U.S. national security, Israeli security and the security of allied states. Israel cannot afford to outsource its security to another country. But if the U.S. wants Israel to give sanctions and diplomacy more time, Israelis must know that they will not be left high and dry if these options fail. Ironically, the best assurance the U.S. president can give Israel is a commitment to, if all else fails, resort to military action to protect critical U.S. interests. But time is running out to make this commitment credible to the people of the U.S., Israel and Iran. As the adage goes, if you want peace, prepare (credibly) for war. The writer, a former chief of Israeli military intelligence, is director of Israel's Institute for National Security Studies.2012-08-20 00:00:00Full Article
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