Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
Back
(Jerusalem Post) - Barry Rubin It is extremely unlikely that there will be a single new leader, at least for some years to come. If there is a collective leadership, it will include people of very different viewpoints who will not be able to agree on changing the status quo. The chances of a Palestinian civil war are very low. It is hard to have a civil war when there are 10 different factions. No one has enough power to believe they can win. And if anyone tries to take over, all the other groups will align against them. There are people in the leadership who genuinely understand the mess into which Arafat has led the Palestinians. They know that a compromise peace is the only way out of their current dead-end. Unfortunately, there are even more activists who believe in revolution until victory and think the struggle should go on until Israel is destroyed, or at least defeated enough to make massive unilateral concessions. Still others are opportunists and careerists who will go along with the consensus - which is still an extremely radical one - to preserve their privileges. Offering compromises, acting in too friendly a manner with the U.S., trying to stop terrorism, and seeking to quiet incitement are the kind of actions likely to bring down the wrath of numerous, well-armed militants on anyone who acts dovish. As Fatah leaders compete for power, many will be tempted into an alliance with Hamas to put them on Arafat's throne. This would give Hamas a veto power over any future political arrangements, which would be another nail in the coffin of peace hopes. In a sense, Arafat has poisoned the atmosphere to such an extent that it might take years to clean it up. The identification of moderation with treason, the cult of total victory, and the promotion of vicious hatred and incitement are difficult to reverse. 2004-10-29 00:00:00Full Article
The Post-Arafat Scene
(Jerusalem Post) - Barry Rubin It is extremely unlikely that there will be a single new leader, at least for some years to come. If there is a collective leadership, it will include people of very different viewpoints who will not be able to agree on changing the status quo. The chances of a Palestinian civil war are very low. It is hard to have a civil war when there are 10 different factions. No one has enough power to believe they can win. And if anyone tries to take over, all the other groups will align against them. There are people in the leadership who genuinely understand the mess into which Arafat has led the Palestinians. They know that a compromise peace is the only way out of their current dead-end. Unfortunately, there are even more activists who believe in revolution until victory and think the struggle should go on until Israel is destroyed, or at least defeated enough to make massive unilateral concessions. Still others are opportunists and careerists who will go along with the consensus - which is still an extremely radical one - to preserve their privileges. Offering compromises, acting in too friendly a manner with the U.S., trying to stop terrorism, and seeking to quiet incitement are the kind of actions likely to bring down the wrath of numerous, well-armed militants on anyone who acts dovish. As Fatah leaders compete for power, many will be tempted into an alliance with Hamas to put them on Arafat's throne. This would give Hamas a veto power over any future political arrangements, which would be another nail in the coffin of peace hopes. In a sense, Arafat has poisoned the atmosphere to such an extent that it might take years to clean it up. The identification of moderation with treason, the cult of total victory, and the promotion of vicious hatred and incitement are difficult to reverse. 2004-10-29 00:00:00Full Article
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