Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Ha'aretz) Aaron David Miller - It's a pretty safe wager that there will be no serious movement by any side toward Arab-Israeli peace until sometime next year - at the earliest. The past four years has made a viable agreement between Israelis and Palestinians much less likely. On the Palestinian side, warlords run Gaza, the PA is weakening, and economic deterioration and leadership stagnation abound, paralyzing the formation of any serious strategy. Israelis, on the other hand, see their salvation in unilateralism - the security fence, targeted killings, and Gaza disengagement. The organizing principle should be to distinguish between reaching a permanent status agreement (which is not possible now) and helping to create an environment for serious permanent status negotiations (which is possible). Gaza disengagement - now the only game in town - might provide an entry point back into this process. The writer was a U.S. State Department adviser on Arab-Israeli negotiations for 25 years. 2004-11-02 00:00:00Full Article
Renewing the Arab-Israeli Peace Process
(Ha'aretz) Aaron David Miller - It's a pretty safe wager that there will be no serious movement by any side toward Arab-Israeli peace until sometime next year - at the earliest. The past four years has made a viable agreement between Israelis and Palestinians much less likely. On the Palestinian side, warlords run Gaza, the PA is weakening, and economic deterioration and leadership stagnation abound, paralyzing the formation of any serious strategy. Israelis, on the other hand, see their salvation in unilateralism - the security fence, targeted killings, and Gaza disengagement. The organizing principle should be to distinguish between reaching a permanent status agreement (which is not possible now) and helping to create an environment for serious permanent status negotiations (which is possible). Gaza disengagement - now the only game in town - might provide an entry point back into this process. The writer was a U.S. State Department adviser on Arab-Israeli negotiations for 25 years. 2004-11-02 00:00:00Full Article
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