Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Saban Center-Brookings Institution) Geneive Abdo - Tehran's tendency to see the Arab uprisings in its own terms is more strategic spin rather than an accurate reading of events. The Arab uprisings are the very definition of local politics and represent a significant break with a past largely dictated by outside forces, foreign policy considerations, and proxy contests between rival regional and global forces. In other words, it is domestic politics that now drives foreign policy - not the other way around. Any dream that the uprisings would spawn a new era of pan-Islamism has been dashed by the Syrian war, which has revived the central narrative of Shia-Sunni conflict that has raged off and on for centuries. The wave of Arab uprisings has deepened ethnic and religious tensions between Sunni and Shia, which had been largely contained in recent years, and pushed them once again to the fore. As a result, a strong argument can be made that the Shia-Sunni divide is well on its way to displacing the broader conflict between Muslims and the West as the primary challenge facing the Islamic societies of the Middle East for the foreseeable future. Such sectarian conflict is also likely to supplant the Palestinian occupation as the central mobilizing factor for Arab political life. As Arab societies become more politically active and aware at home in the aftermath of the uprisings, fighting Israel is less of a priority, especially because there are so many domestic crises. The writer, a nonresident fellow in the Saban Center for Middle East Policy, and a fellow in the Middle East program at the Stimson Center, was a foreign correspondent for 20 years, focusing on the Middle East and the Muslim world. 2013-04-17 00:00:00Full Article
The Arab Uprisings and the Rebirth of the Shia-Sunni Divide
(Saban Center-Brookings Institution) Geneive Abdo - Tehran's tendency to see the Arab uprisings in its own terms is more strategic spin rather than an accurate reading of events. The Arab uprisings are the very definition of local politics and represent a significant break with a past largely dictated by outside forces, foreign policy considerations, and proxy contests between rival regional and global forces. In other words, it is domestic politics that now drives foreign policy - not the other way around. Any dream that the uprisings would spawn a new era of pan-Islamism has been dashed by the Syrian war, which has revived the central narrative of Shia-Sunni conflict that has raged off and on for centuries. The wave of Arab uprisings has deepened ethnic and religious tensions between Sunni and Shia, which had been largely contained in recent years, and pushed them once again to the fore. As a result, a strong argument can be made that the Shia-Sunni divide is well on its way to displacing the broader conflict between Muslims and the West as the primary challenge facing the Islamic societies of the Middle East for the foreseeable future. Such sectarian conflict is also likely to supplant the Palestinian occupation as the central mobilizing factor for Arab political life. As Arab societies become more politically active and aware at home in the aftermath of the uprisings, fighting Israel is less of a priority, especially because there are so many domestic crises. The writer, a nonresident fellow in the Saban Center for Middle East Policy, and a fellow in the Middle East program at the Stimson Center, was a foreign correspondent for 20 years, focusing on the Middle East and the Muslim world. 2013-04-17 00:00:00Full Article
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