Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
Back
(Institute for National Security Studies-Tel Aviv University) Itamar Rabinovich - Early on, Israel calculated, correctly, that its ability to affect the outcome of Syria's civil war was limited. It has no influence on Syria's domestic politics and if it were to extend any support to the opposition, the regime would seize the opportunity to embarrass them by pointing to any Israeli link or support. At the same time, Israel made it clear that it had its own red lines vis-a-vis Syria. It announced that it would interrupt the transfer of sophisticated, game-changing weapon systems into the hands of terrorist groups, be they Hizbullah or the jihadi groups, as Iran, Syria, and Hizbullah were clearly upping the ante. Israel may find itself in a cycle of violence in which it acts again and again against arms transfers via Syria to Hizbullah, eventually triggering a response. It was in this context that an Israeli official stated last week to the New York Times that should Assad retaliate, Israel will topple his regime, meaning that the destruction of Assad's air force and armor by Israel would lead to an opposition victory. There is a debate within the Israeli defense establishment as to the desirable outcome of the Syrian civil war. Some argue that, given the strength of the jihadi and Islamist elements among the militias fighting against the regime, a jihadi or Islamist takeover or a state of anarchy with jihadi elements free to launch terrorist activities is the most severe threat to Israel's security. Others argue that the continuation of Assad's regime in the service of Iran and in close partnership with Hizbullah presents a graver threat to Israel's national security. This latter school of thought is the more convincing. Bashar al-Assad demonstrated his ability to take radical dangerous actions when he built a nuclear reactor in league with North Korea. He demonstrated his willingness to brutalize his own population and use missiles and chemical weapons against it. He is now purely a tool in the service of Iran. The writer, a former Israeli ambassador to the U.S., was Israel's chief negotiator with Syria under the Yitzhak Rabin government.2013-05-20 00:00:00Full Article
Israeli Thinking on the Future of the Assad Regime
(Institute for National Security Studies-Tel Aviv University) Itamar Rabinovich - Early on, Israel calculated, correctly, that its ability to affect the outcome of Syria's civil war was limited. It has no influence on Syria's domestic politics and if it were to extend any support to the opposition, the regime would seize the opportunity to embarrass them by pointing to any Israeli link or support. At the same time, Israel made it clear that it had its own red lines vis-a-vis Syria. It announced that it would interrupt the transfer of sophisticated, game-changing weapon systems into the hands of terrorist groups, be they Hizbullah or the jihadi groups, as Iran, Syria, and Hizbullah were clearly upping the ante. Israel may find itself in a cycle of violence in which it acts again and again against arms transfers via Syria to Hizbullah, eventually triggering a response. It was in this context that an Israeli official stated last week to the New York Times that should Assad retaliate, Israel will topple his regime, meaning that the destruction of Assad's air force and armor by Israel would lead to an opposition victory. There is a debate within the Israeli defense establishment as to the desirable outcome of the Syrian civil war. Some argue that, given the strength of the jihadi and Islamist elements among the militias fighting against the regime, a jihadi or Islamist takeover or a state of anarchy with jihadi elements free to launch terrorist activities is the most severe threat to Israel's security. Others argue that the continuation of Assad's regime in the service of Iran and in close partnership with Hizbullah presents a graver threat to Israel's national security. This latter school of thought is the more convincing. Bashar al-Assad demonstrated his ability to take radical dangerous actions when he built a nuclear reactor in league with North Korea. He demonstrated his willingness to brutalize his own population and use missiles and chemical weapons against it. He is now purely a tool in the service of Iran. The writer, a former Israeli ambassador to the U.S., was Israel's chief negotiator with Syria under the Yitzhak Rabin government.2013-05-20 00:00:00Full Article
Search Daily Alert
Search:
|