Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Los Angeles Times) Aaron David Miller - Secretary of State John Kerry has two diplomatic tracks in the works: ending a civil war in Syria and promoting a peace between Israelis and Palestinians. With both, the parties involved don't know whether they really want to start a political process, and they certainly don't know how to conclude one. In Syria, you have 80,000 dead, which has increased the urgency of a political transition but hardened all parties' willingness to bring one about. Russian President Vladimir Putin is simply not going to allow the Americans to intervene and remove yet another client, after Saddam Hussein and Moammar Kadafi. The rebels have no intention of accepting a semi-permanent transition that risks leaving regime elements whole, in Syria, and beyond the reach of war crimes tribunals. On the Israeli-Palestinian front, can the U.S. find a formula on the core issues - particularly on territory - that meets the Palestinian need to define a border based on the June 1967 lines and the Israeli desire to avoid that focus and to discuss security first? Resuming negotiations without such an understanding almost certainly will lead to a collapse, destroy what remains of the peace process and probably accelerate violence, not delay it. It's hard to argue with the proposition that talking is better than shooting. But it is by no means inexorably bound to succeed, particularly if the parties to the conflict don't feel the urgency to do it; and the outside mediator, in this case the U.S., doesn't have the leverage to make it happen. Indeed, while it may come as a shocker to the Energizer Bunnies of American diplomacy, there are some problems we just can't fix. The writer, a vice president at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, served as a Middle East negotiator. 2013-05-31 00:00:00Full Article
Perils of Peace Conferences
(Los Angeles Times) Aaron David Miller - Secretary of State John Kerry has two diplomatic tracks in the works: ending a civil war in Syria and promoting a peace between Israelis and Palestinians. With both, the parties involved don't know whether they really want to start a political process, and they certainly don't know how to conclude one. In Syria, you have 80,000 dead, which has increased the urgency of a political transition but hardened all parties' willingness to bring one about. Russian President Vladimir Putin is simply not going to allow the Americans to intervene and remove yet another client, after Saddam Hussein and Moammar Kadafi. The rebels have no intention of accepting a semi-permanent transition that risks leaving regime elements whole, in Syria, and beyond the reach of war crimes tribunals. On the Israeli-Palestinian front, can the U.S. find a formula on the core issues - particularly on territory - that meets the Palestinian need to define a border based on the June 1967 lines and the Israeli desire to avoid that focus and to discuss security first? Resuming negotiations without such an understanding almost certainly will lead to a collapse, destroy what remains of the peace process and probably accelerate violence, not delay it. It's hard to argue with the proposition that talking is better than shooting. But it is by no means inexorably bound to succeed, particularly if the parties to the conflict don't feel the urgency to do it; and the outside mediator, in this case the U.S., doesn't have the leverage to make it happen. Indeed, while it may come as a shocker to the Energizer Bunnies of American diplomacy, there are some problems we just can't fix. The writer, a vice president at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, served as a Middle East negotiator. 2013-05-31 00:00:00Full Article
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