Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(UPI) Joshua Brilliant and Saud abu Ramadan - Arafat has no obvious heir; he nurtured none. Palestinian politicians "are smelling that Arafat may be going. There are rumors about his illness, so all are trying to improve their positions," said Israeli Col. (res.) Shalom Harari, a former Defense Ministry senior adviser on Palestinian affairs who is now a fellow at the International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism in Herzliya. Arafat used to boast of what he called "democratiyat al-bandukiya," or democracy of the gun. "Now he has it," Harari said. The fundamentalist Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the leftist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine all have guns. So does Fatah and its renegade groups. Palestinian analysts say they expect an internal conflict in Arafat's Fatah. After his departure, younger Fatah members, veterans, and the chiefs of the different security apparatuses - that were until now taking instructions from Arafat personally - will be fighting each other. Israeli experts point to the increased lawlessness in Palestinian society. "In every city, you find groups of masked men," Harari said. While education and health services are working and municipalities are functioning, there is no functioning legal system and no central government. "Each person must receive protection from his clan," Harari said. Merchants in the West Bank town of Nablus, for example, need a private militia or pay protection money. "The clan has become the center rather than a central government," Harari added. "There is no understanding of what is a state." He recalled an incident in which a district governor went to settle a dispute with another clan using his jeeps and guns. Several bystanders were shot. One of the most dramatic incidents occurred in front of international television cameras when Fatah men armed with kalashnikovs blocked then-prime minister Mahmoud Abbas's way to the PLC chamber in Ramallah. Abbas resigned.2003-10-14 00:00:00Full Article
Palestinian "Democracy of the Gun"
(UPI) Joshua Brilliant and Saud abu Ramadan - Arafat has no obvious heir; he nurtured none. Palestinian politicians "are smelling that Arafat may be going. There are rumors about his illness, so all are trying to improve their positions," said Israeli Col. (res.) Shalom Harari, a former Defense Ministry senior adviser on Palestinian affairs who is now a fellow at the International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism in Herzliya. Arafat used to boast of what he called "democratiyat al-bandukiya," or democracy of the gun. "Now he has it," Harari said. The fundamentalist Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the leftist Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, and the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine all have guns. So does Fatah and its renegade groups. Palestinian analysts say they expect an internal conflict in Arafat's Fatah. After his departure, younger Fatah members, veterans, and the chiefs of the different security apparatuses - that were until now taking instructions from Arafat personally - will be fighting each other. Israeli experts point to the increased lawlessness in Palestinian society. "In every city, you find groups of masked men," Harari said. While education and health services are working and municipalities are functioning, there is no functioning legal system and no central government. "Each person must receive protection from his clan," Harari said. Merchants in the West Bank town of Nablus, for example, need a private militia or pay protection money. "The clan has become the center rather than a central government," Harari added. "There is no understanding of what is a state." He recalled an incident in which a district governor went to settle a dispute with another clan using his jeeps and guns. Several bystanders were shot. One of the most dramatic incidents occurred in front of international television cameras when Fatah men armed with kalashnikovs blocked then-prime minister Mahmoud Abbas's way to the PLC chamber in Ramallah. Abbas resigned.2003-10-14 00:00:00Full Article
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