Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
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(National Interest) Zachary Keck - No third party has been a bigger loser in Syria than Iran. The prospect of the Alawites losing power in Damascus threatened to roll back all the gains Iran made over the last decade, not only undermining Iran's position in Syria, but also by extension in Lebanon. Over the past two years, Iran and its ally Hizbullah have been forced to devote considerable blood and treasure into preventing Alawite rule from collapsing in Syria, and the material costs for Iran are likely to continue to mount. The larger cost of supporting Assad has been the loss of Iran and Hizbullah's soft power in the Middle East. Iranian influence in the region is largely based on the soft power it accrues from its defiance and denouncements of Israel and the U.S. For decades this soft power has allowed Iranian leaders to bridge the ethnic and sectarian divide with the Arab Sunni street. Iran's popularity in the Arab world has virtually fallen off the cliff since the Syrian conflict began. As James Zogby notes, in 2006 Iran had a 75% favorability rating in twenty Middle Eastern nations. By 2012, Iran's favorability ratings in those same countries declined to just 25%.2014-01-30 00:00:00Full Article
Iran the Biggest Loser in the Syrian Civil War
(National Interest) Zachary Keck - No third party has been a bigger loser in Syria than Iran. The prospect of the Alawites losing power in Damascus threatened to roll back all the gains Iran made over the last decade, not only undermining Iran's position in Syria, but also by extension in Lebanon. Over the past two years, Iran and its ally Hizbullah have been forced to devote considerable blood and treasure into preventing Alawite rule from collapsing in Syria, and the material costs for Iran are likely to continue to mount. The larger cost of supporting Assad has been the loss of Iran and Hizbullah's soft power in the Middle East. Iranian influence in the region is largely based on the soft power it accrues from its defiance and denouncements of Israel and the U.S. For decades this soft power has allowed Iranian leaders to bridge the ethnic and sectarian divide with the Arab Sunni street. Iran's popularity in the Arab world has virtually fallen off the cliff since the Syrian conflict began. As James Zogby notes, in 2006 Iran had a 75% favorability rating in twenty Middle Eastern nations. By 2012, Iran's favorability ratings in those same countries declined to just 25%.2014-01-30 00:00:00Full Article
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