Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Wall Street Journal) Aaron David Miller - The durability of the Iran agreement and its benefits for the U.S. depend almost entirely on the moderation of Iran's regime and its behavior in the region. It is virtually impossible to separate Iran's nuclear weapons aspirations from the nature of the regime, its ambitions in the region, or its view of the U.S. The regime that purged Iran of U.S. influence in 1979 has no intention of letting Washington back in. Iran's desire to become a nuclear weapons threshold state is driven by its desire to preserve its highly ideological and authoritarian character. Iranian leaders are looking to protect the 1979 revolution and create a hedge against regime change by hostile powers - principally the U.S. and key Sunni Arab states. Henry Kissinger was right years ago that as long as Iran remains a cause rather than a nation, it will not abandon its nuclear weapons pretensions. Without significant changes in Iran's regime at home and its policies abroad, Iran will not give up its option to weaponize. The writer is a vice president at the Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars.2015-09-11 00:00:00Full Article
The Risks If Iran Doesn't Become More Moderate with Nuclear Deal
(Wall Street Journal) Aaron David Miller - The durability of the Iran agreement and its benefits for the U.S. depend almost entirely on the moderation of Iran's regime and its behavior in the region. It is virtually impossible to separate Iran's nuclear weapons aspirations from the nature of the regime, its ambitions in the region, or its view of the U.S. The regime that purged Iran of U.S. influence in 1979 has no intention of letting Washington back in. Iran's desire to become a nuclear weapons threshold state is driven by its desire to preserve its highly ideological and authoritarian character. Iranian leaders are looking to protect the 1979 revolution and create a hedge against regime change by hostile powers - principally the U.S. and key Sunni Arab states. Henry Kissinger was right years ago that as long as Iran remains a cause rather than a nation, it will not abandon its nuclear weapons pretensions. Without significant changes in Iran's regime at home and its policies abroad, Iran will not give up its option to weaponize. The writer is a vice president at the Woodrow Wilson Center for Scholars.2015-09-11 00:00:00Full Article
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