Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(New York Jewish Week) David Bernstein - Most mainstream Jewish leaders acknowledge that Israel's rule in the territories ain't pretty. But we are far less certain Israel has the power on its own to bring about peace and security. Those calling for an immediate end to the "occupation" are often sketchy on the details. They simply assume that if Israel tried to cut a deal, the Palestinian leadership would follow suit and make peace. Few, however, seem to question whether the Palestinian Authority would agree to a solution that leaves a Jewish state intact. In 2008, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas refused an offer from Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert that would have given Palestinians a contiguous state with a capital in Jerusalem. Eight years earlier, Yasir Arafat's Palestinian Authority demonstrated little willingness to cut a two-state deal. There were multiple offers put on the table from September to December 2000, the last of which was extended by President Clinton. The Palestinian leadership would not budge. Unfortunately, the Palestinian population, not just the leadership, overwhelmingly rejects a peace deal. Moreover, high-minded plans sometimes look better on paper than they do on the ground. It's not at all certain that the PA would survive the winds of instability blowing through the region. It's quite possible that the PA would be deposed or implode, and Israel would eventually face a hostile adversary in the closed quarters of Jerusalem and a few miles away from its international airport. These reservations about the achievability and sustainability of a peace deal don't mean that Israel shouldn't pursue such a peace deal. Pursuing peace offers hope. Such doubts do, however, influence my public stance toward the Jewish state. I don't demand that Israel take action that may not work. And I believe that peace takes two. The writer is president and CEO of the Jewish Council for Public Affairs.2016-07-08 00:00:00Full Article
Why I Don't Call Out Israel on the "Occupation"
(New York Jewish Week) David Bernstein - Most mainstream Jewish leaders acknowledge that Israel's rule in the territories ain't pretty. But we are far less certain Israel has the power on its own to bring about peace and security. Those calling for an immediate end to the "occupation" are often sketchy on the details. They simply assume that if Israel tried to cut a deal, the Palestinian leadership would follow suit and make peace. Few, however, seem to question whether the Palestinian Authority would agree to a solution that leaves a Jewish state intact. In 2008, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas refused an offer from Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert that would have given Palestinians a contiguous state with a capital in Jerusalem. Eight years earlier, Yasir Arafat's Palestinian Authority demonstrated little willingness to cut a two-state deal. There were multiple offers put on the table from September to December 2000, the last of which was extended by President Clinton. The Palestinian leadership would not budge. Unfortunately, the Palestinian population, not just the leadership, overwhelmingly rejects a peace deal. Moreover, high-minded plans sometimes look better on paper than they do on the ground. It's not at all certain that the PA would survive the winds of instability blowing through the region. It's quite possible that the PA would be deposed or implode, and Israel would eventually face a hostile adversary in the closed quarters of Jerusalem and a few miles away from its international airport. These reservations about the achievability and sustainability of a peace deal don't mean that Israel shouldn't pursue such a peace deal. Pursuing peace offers hope. Such doubts do, however, influence my public stance toward the Jewish state. I don't demand that Israel take action that may not work. And I believe that peace takes two. The writer is president and CEO of the Jewish Council for Public Affairs.2016-07-08 00:00:00Full Article
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