Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Washington Post) David Ignatius - The U.S. military campaign to seize the Islamic State's capital, Raqqa, may be delayed because of a nasty fight between Turkey and the Syrian Kurdish YPG militia. The Syrian Kurds drove Islamic State from Kobane in ferocious fighting in 2014 and 2015. U.S. Special Operations forces saw YPG as the backbone of the coming campaign to take Raqqa. Now the YPG leadership has told Pentagon officials that unless the Turks pull back, the Kurdish role in Raqqa is in question. Unfortunately, there's no alternative force that can clear the terrorist capital anytime soon. Western powers over the past century have used Kurdish fighters when it suited their purposes, and then abandoned them when neighboring powers objected. That happened after 1918, when the allies ignored President Woodrow Wilson's pledge to create a Kurdish homeland; it happened in 1947, when Iran crushed the short-lived Mahabad Republic; it happened in 1975, when the shah of Iran agreed to allow Iraq's Saddam Hussein to suppress the Kurds, despite secret American promises of support. Washington must help build governance for a post-Islamic State world. It should make clear that the only durable future is a federalism that can give Kurds, Sunnis, Shiites, Turkmen and other minorities a sense of ownership and control in Syria and Iraq. 2016-09-05 00:00:00Full Article
U.S. Built Syria Plans on Fault Line of Turkish-Kurdish Enmity
(Washington Post) David Ignatius - The U.S. military campaign to seize the Islamic State's capital, Raqqa, may be delayed because of a nasty fight between Turkey and the Syrian Kurdish YPG militia. The Syrian Kurds drove Islamic State from Kobane in ferocious fighting in 2014 and 2015. U.S. Special Operations forces saw YPG as the backbone of the coming campaign to take Raqqa. Now the YPG leadership has told Pentagon officials that unless the Turks pull back, the Kurdish role in Raqqa is in question. Unfortunately, there's no alternative force that can clear the terrorist capital anytime soon. Western powers over the past century have used Kurdish fighters when it suited their purposes, and then abandoned them when neighboring powers objected. That happened after 1918, when the allies ignored President Woodrow Wilson's pledge to create a Kurdish homeland; it happened in 1947, when Iran crushed the short-lived Mahabad Republic; it happened in 1975, when the shah of Iran agreed to allow Iraq's Saddam Hussein to suppress the Kurds, despite secret American promises of support. Washington must help build governance for a post-Islamic State world. It should make clear that the only durable future is a federalism that can give Kurds, Sunnis, Shiites, Turkmen and other minorities a sense of ownership and control in Syria and Iraq. 2016-09-05 00:00:00Full Article
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