Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
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- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
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(Commentary) Evelyn Gordon - Nothing casts more doubt on the wisdom of the West's drive for Palestinian statehood than the Palestinian Authority's treatment of the West Bank refugee camps over its 22 years of existence. The case for Palestinian statehood makes obvious sense in the abstract: Palestinians need a state where they can promote their people's welfare, just as Jews need a state where they can promote their people's welfare. It's not that Israel did nothing for the Palestinians during its decades of governing the territories. Palestinian life expectancy jumped by 50% under Israeli rule, infant mortality plummeted by more than two-thirds, literacy rates and living standards skyrocketed. Indeed, every hospital and university in the West Bank was built by Israel, as were most of those in Gaza. Israel left the refugee camps intact mainly because its one attempt to provide refugees with better housing back in the 1970s elicited such brutal opposition from the PLO - which threatened to kill refugees who accepted the offer - that it backed down. But the refugee camps are precisely the kind of open sore that Palestinian statehood is theoretically supposed to solve. More than two decades after the PA's establishment, schooling, healthcare and welfare allowances in the refugee camps are still funded wholly by UNRWA. Or, to be more precise, by the Western countries that fund most of UNRWA's budget. Nor has the PA moved a single refugee into better housing. And this isn't because Israel somehow prevented it from doing so. It's because the PA has no interest in doing so. The PA doesn't see the refugees as citizens to be served, but as a weapon aimed at Israel. They are kept in miserable conditions for the express purpose of creating sympathy for the Palestinian demand that they all be relocated to Israel. The West should start by demanding that the PA finally dismantle those refugee camps and take the responsibility for their residents off UNRWA's hands.2016-11-04 00:00:00Full Article
After Two Decades of PA Rule, Why Does UNRWA Still Operate in West Bank?
(Commentary) Evelyn Gordon - Nothing casts more doubt on the wisdom of the West's drive for Palestinian statehood than the Palestinian Authority's treatment of the West Bank refugee camps over its 22 years of existence. The case for Palestinian statehood makes obvious sense in the abstract: Palestinians need a state where they can promote their people's welfare, just as Jews need a state where they can promote their people's welfare. It's not that Israel did nothing for the Palestinians during its decades of governing the territories. Palestinian life expectancy jumped by 50% under Israeli rule, infant mortality plummeted by more than two-thirds, literacy rates and living standards skyrocketed. Indeed, every hospital and university in the West Bank was built by Israel, as were most of those in Gaza. Israel left the refugee camps intact mainly because its one attempt to provide refugees with better housing back in the 1970s elicited such brutal opposition from the PLO - which threatened to kill refugees who accepted the offer - that it backed down. But the refugee camps are precisely the kind of open sore that Palestinian statehood is theoretically supposed to solve. More than two decades after the PA's establishment, schooling, healthcare and welfare allowances in the refugee camps are still funded wholly by UNRWA. Or, to be more precise, by the Western countries that fund most of UNRWA's budget. Nor has the PA moved a single refugee into better housing. And this isn't because Israel somehow prevented it from doing so. It's because the PA has no interest in doing so. The PA doesn't see the refugees as citizens to be served, but as a weapon aimed at Israel. They are kept in miserable conditions for the express purpose of creating sympathy for the Palestinian demand that they all be relocated to Israel. The West should start by demanding that the PA finally dismantle those refugee camps and take the responsibility for their residents off UNRWA's hands.2016-11-04 00:00:00Full Article
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