Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies-Bar-Ilan University) Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov Amidror - Over the past eight years, Israel had a sympathetic ear in Washington with regard to its security needs. The $38 billion defense aid package and the fact that Israel was the first to receive the state-of-the-art F-35 fighter jet speak to the American commitment to the Jewish state's security for decades to come. The relationship between the Israeli and American intelligence agencies continues to be excellent, which would not be possible without direction from the White House. Israel has also received vital U.S. backing in the international arena more than once. Still, Washington and Jerusalem were at odds under Obama on important issues. The outgoing administration turned settlement construction in Judea and Samaria into nothing short of an obsession. Washington refrained from pressuring PA President Mahmoud Abbas in any way, even when he failed to agree to the 2014 U.S. framework to reignite the talks. With regard to the Iranian nuclear program, the White House made a conscious choice to deceive Israel and conceal the fact that it was holding intensive nuclear negotiations with Iran - an issue that has direct bearing on Israel's very existence. Some top officials within the administration thought it was wrong to hide the talks from Israel. Choosing this path cost the U.S. Israel's trust, good will, and, to an extent, professional assistance, which could have reduced the scope of error inherent in the agreement. As for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's speech to Congress in March 2015, perceived as an affront to Obama on his own turf, the new reality presented by the administration required Netanyahu to outline Israel's position in the clearest possible way, especially before the American public, which is Israel's most important friend. Issues pertaining directly to the fate of the Jewish people must be addressed out loud, and it is right to do so in the highest seats of power. As Kerry himself said, friends must tell each other the truth. Netanyahu had to consider that the bad deal inked between world powers and Iran might one day require Israel to use force to stop the Islamic Republic's nuclear program from developing military dimensions. He had to lay the moral groundwork that would justify such extreme measures. The writer is former National Security Advisor to the Prime Minister of Israel and former Head of Israel's National Security Council. 2017-01-18 00:00:00Full Article
The Obama Administration and U.S.-Israel Relations
(Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies-Bar-Ilan University) Maj.-Gen. (res.) Yaakov Amidror - Over the past eight years, Israel had a sympathetic ear in Washington with regard to its security needs. The $38 billion defense aid package and the fact that Israel was the first to receive the state-of-the-art F-35 fighter jet speak to the American commitment to the Jewish state's security for decades to come. The relationship between the Israeli and American intelligence agencies continues to be excellent, which would not be possible without direction from the White House. Israel has also received vital U.S. backing in the international arena more than once. Still, Washington and Jerusalem were at odds under Obama on important issues. The outgoing administration turned settlement construction in Judea and Samaria into nothing short of an obsession. Washington refrained from pressuring PA President Mahmoud Abbas in any way, even when he failed to agree to the 2014 U.S. framework to reignite the talks. With regard to the Iranian nuclear program, the White House made a conscious choice to deceive Israel and conceal the fact that it was holding intensive nuclear negotiations with Iran - an issue that has direct bearing on Israel's very existence. Some top officials within the administration thought it was wrong to hide the talks from Israel. Choosing this path cost the U.S. Israel's trust, good will, and, to an extent, professional assistance, which could have reduced the scope of error inherent in the agreement. As for Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's speech to Congress in March 2015, perceived as an affront to Obama on his own turf, the new reality presented by the administration required Netanyahu to outline Israel's position in the clearest possible way, especially before the American public, which is Israel's most important friend. Issues pertaining directly to the fate of the Jewish people must be addressed out loud, and it is right to do so in the highest seats of power. As Kerry himself said, friends must tell each other the truth. Netanyahu had to consider that the bad deal inked between world powers and Iran might one day require Israel to use force to stop the Islamic Republic's nuclear program from developing military dimensions. He had to lay the moral groundwork that would justify such extreme measures. The writer is former National Security Advisor to the Prime Minister of Israel and former Head of Israel's National Security Council. 2017-01-18 00:00:00Full Article
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