Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Times of Israel) David Horovitz - Allow me to offer some insights from the perspective of an Israeli who has unhappily watched well-intentioned efforts at peacemaking fail time and again over the years. Why did Israel so frustrate Trump's predecessors in the Obama Administration, spurning their entreaties to take territorial risks for peace, deriding their talk of multilayered security fences and other arrangements that would ostensibly keep us safe after a withdrawal to a slightly amended version of the pre-1967 borders? Because we don't trust the Palestinians. We think we would be vulnerable to aggression they might initiate. And even if we were to put aside our doubts about the current regime of Mahmoud Abbas, we know he could be easily swept aside by Hamas or other extremists were the Israel Defense Forces no longer deployed in the West Bank. Were Hamas or other extremists to take over there, everywhere in Israel is within short rocket range of everywhere in the West Bank. We would not be able to function for a single day with Hamas in control of the West Bank. We have also watched Abbas preside over a hierarchy that relentlessly demonized Israel, that incited his Palestinian people against us, and that did encourage terrorism. We saw him personally escalate the tensions surrounding the Temple Mount by hailing the "pure blood of Palestinian martyrs" spilled in defense of Al-Aqsa - directly contributing to the hysteria and thus to the car-rammings and stabbings and shootings. There is grassroots Israeli support in principle for an agreement, but there is no parallel on the Palestinian side. There is woefully inadequate grassroots Palestinian support for an accord because the widespread Palestinian conviction remains that the Jews have no right to be here. Change what Palestinians are taught and told about Israel in their schools and mosques, by their political leaders and via social media, and you begin to create a climate in which, one day, genuine progress toward an accommodation becomes possible.2017-03-16 00:00:00Full Article
Trump's Peacemaking
(Times of Israel) David Horovitz - Allow me to offer some insights from the perspective of an Israeli who has unhappily watched well-intentioned efforts at peacemaking fail time and again over the years. Why did Israel so frustrate Trump's predecessors in the Obama Administration, spurning their entreaties to take territorial risks for peace, deriding their talk of multilayered security fences and other arrangements that would ostensibly keep us safe after a withdrawal to a slightly amended version of the pre-1967 borders? Because we don't trust the Palestinians. We think we would be vulnerable to aggression they might initiate. And even if we were to put aside our doubts about the current regime of Mahmoud Abbas, we know he could be easily swept aside by Hamas or other extremists were the Israel Defense Forces no longer deployed in the West Bank. Were Hamas or other extremists to take over there, everywhere in Israel is within short rocket range of everywhere in the West Bank. We would not be able to function for a single day with Hamas in control of the West Bank. We have also watched Abbas preside over a hierarchy that relentlessly demonized Israel, that incited his Palestinian people against us, and that did encourage terrorism. We saw him personally escalate the tensions surrounding the Temple Mount by hailing the "pure blood of Palestinian martyrs" spilled in defense of Al-Aqsa - directly contributing to the hysteria and thus to the car-rammings and stabbings and shootings. There is grassroots Israeli support in principle for an agreement, but there is no parallel on the Palestinian side. There is woefully inadequate grassroots Palestinian support for an accord because the widespread Palestinian conviction remains that the Jews have no right to be here. Change what Palestinians are taught and told about Israel in their schools and mosques, by their political leaders and via social media, and you begin to create a climate in which, one day, genuine progress toward an accommodation becomes possible.2017-03-16 00:00:00Full Article
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