Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Tablet) Jennifer Roskies - Following the rollout of the Oslo Accords 25 years ago, one of the Rabin government's central challenges was convincing those who had the most at stake - Israelis, and those who feel their lives wedded to Israel's - that embarking upon the Oslo process was a risk worth taking. The efforts to meet this challenge eroded the very ties binding Israel and diaspora Jewry. In 1993, having previously worked at the Israeli Consulate for four years, I was asked to translate into English Prime Minister Rabin's speech to the annual convention of Jewish communities from across North America, known as the General Assembly, or GA, being hosted in Montreal. Eitan Haber, Rabin's Chief of Staff, sat at a desk, removed two writing pads from his briefcase, handed me one, and began to write. When he got to the bottom of the page, he tore it off, passed it to me, and I began to translate. From Haber's very first paragraphs, I realized the speech's main purpose. Those selling Oslo plainly recognized that Jewish opposition, both outside Israel and within, to the abrupt Israeli policy change, was a serious obstacle which must be overcome. Concern over evidence of subterfuge by Arafat and the newly-formed Palestinian Authority was dismissed as anti-peace. In looking back at those early Oslo days, what is so striking is that world support for Israel was unwavering. Who could ever have foreseen a time when that support would no longer be a safe bet, but that Israel would become a flashpoint issue in synagogue congregations, not to mention campuses, where students and faculty increasingly come under assault for supporting Israel or for even affirming Israel as a component of their Jewish identities. In working to undermine a near monolithic, full-throated concern for Israel's security among American Jews, replacing it with talking points designed to second-guess their own interests, Israel's new foreign policy opened a trap door, pushing Jewish supporters to make common cause with their own adversaries. One can see clearly how this led to the discord now seen between Israel and American Jewry. The writer works at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs as chief of staff to its president. 2018-09-14 00:00:00Full Article
Selling Oslo to the Jewish Community
(Tablet) Jennifer Roskies - Following the rollout of the Oslo Accords 25 years ago, one of the Rabin government's central challenges was convincing those who had the most at stake - Israelis, and those who feel their lives wedded to Israel's - that embarking upon the Oslo process was a risk worth taking. The efforts to meet this challenge eroded the very ties binding Israel and diaspora Jewry. In 1993, having previously worked at the Israeli Consulate for four years, I was asked to translate into English Prime Minister Rabin's speech to the annual convention of Jewish communities from across North America, known as the General Assembly, or GA, being hosted in Montreal. Eitan Haber, Rabin's Chief of Staff, sat at a desk, removed two writing pads from his briefcase, handed me one, and began to write. When he got to the bottom of the page, he tore it off, passed it to me, and I began to translate. From Haber's very first paragraphs, I realized the speech's main purpose. Those selling Oslo plainly recognized that Jewish opposition, both outside Israel and within, to the abrupt Israeli policy change, was a serious obstacle which must be overcome. Concern over evidence of subterfuge by Arafat and the newly-formed Palestinian Authority was dismissed as anti-peace. In looking back at those early Oslo days, what is so striking is that world support for Israel was unwavering. Who could ever have foreseen a time when that support would no longer be a safe bet, but that Israel would become a flashpoint issue in synagogue congregations, not to mention campuses, where students and faculty increasingly come under assault for supporting Israel or for even affirming Israel as a component of their Jewish identities. In working to undermine a near monolithic, full-throated concern for Israel's security among American Jews, replacing it with talking points designed to second-guess their own interests, Israel's new foreign policy opened a trap door, pushing Jewish supporters to make common cause with their own adversaries. One can see clearly how this led to the discord now seen between Israel and American Jewry. The writer works at the Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs as chief of staff to its president. 2018-09-14 00:00:00Full Article
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