Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(American Interest) Josef Joffe - Our good friend, the Shah, installed a small U.S.-supplied research reactor in 1967. Seven years later, he ordered four power reactors from Germany's Siemens/AEG. He then proceeded to put together a complete fuel cycle - in a country that was awash in oil. In 1974, he confided to Le Monde: "Sooner than is believed," Iran will have "a nuclear bomb." After the Shah fell and the Khomeinists took over, revolutionary fervor merely compounded the logic of Reza Pahlavi's realpolitik. Iraq attacked Iran in 1980 in a war that caused a million deaths by its end in 1988. Nukes were to deter Saddam Hussein once and for all. In the aftermath of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the removal of Saddam, the Khomeinists found an even better reason to accelerate their nuclear arms program. Now the purpose was to deter the U.S. and intimidate Israel. As a geopolitical bonus, the nukes would also extend an umbrella over Iran's revolutionary expansionism. The point is that nuclear weapons are useful. What the Shah began, Allah's revolutionaries have been assiduously perfecting. So why ever give up such a valuable asset - one that provides both life insurance and an umbrella for domination? The writer, a fellow of Stanford's Hoover Institution, serves on the editorial council of the German weekly Die Zeit. 2019-07-31 00:00:00Full Article
Why Iran Will Never Give Up on Nuclear Weapons
(American Interest) Josef Joffe - Our good friend, the Shah, installed a small U.S.-supplied research reactor in 1967. Seven years later, he ordered four power reactors from Germany's Siemens/AEG. He then proceeded to put together a complete fuel cycle - in a country that was awash in oil. In 1974, he confided to Le Monde: "Sooner than is believed," Iran will have "a nuclear bomb." After the Shah fell and the Khomeinists took over, revolutionary fervor merely compounded the logic of Reza Pahlavi's realpolitik. Iraq attacked Iran in 1980 in a war that caused a million deaths by its end in 1988. Nukes were to deter Saddam Hussein once and for all. In the aftermath of the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003 and the removal of Saddam, the Khomeinists found an even better reason to accelerate their nuclear arms program. Now the purpose was to deter the U.S. and intimidate Israel. As a geopolitical bonus, the nukes would also extend an umbrella over Iran's revolutionary expansionism. The point is that nuclear weapons are useful. What the Shah began, Allah's revolutionaries have been assiduously perfecting. So why ever give up such a valuable asset - one that provides both life insurance and an umbrella for domination? The writer, a fellow of Stanford's Hoover Institution, serves on the editorial council of the German weekly Die Zeit. 2019-07-31 00:00:00Full Article
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