Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Washington Institute for Near East Policy) Dalia Ziada - The U.S. peace plan contains viable components that, with a few additions, could get both Israelis and Palestinians back to the negotiating table. The plan has adopted a nuanced and interesting approach to the conflict. It is one of the few plans that recognizes a separate Palestinian state with open channels for direct economic and security cooperation between Israelis and Palestinians. What makes this plan different from past iterations is that it was spearheaded by a younger generation, willing to diverge from the previous formulas. Palestinian leaders blindly rejected the peace plan, ignoring the opportunity for the Palestinian people to reap the territorial and economic benefits. They rejected the plan because it did not serve the immediate interests of the political elite in Fatah and Hamas. Neither Fatah nor Hamas leaders are willing to coexist with Israel because this contradicts their ideologies. The writer is director of the American Islamic Conference's North Africa bureau. 2020-03-20 00:00:00Full Article
Why the U.S. Peace Plan Still Matters
(Washington Institute for Near East Policy) Dalia Ziada - The U.S. peace plan contains viable components that, with a few additions, could get both Israelis and Palestinians back to the negotiating table. The plan has adopted a nuanced and interesting approach to the conflict. It is one of the few plans that recognizes a separate Palestinian state with open channels for direct economic and security cooperation between Israelis and Palestinians. What makes this plan different from past iterations is that it was spearheaded by a younger generation, willing to diverge from the previous formulas. Palestinian leaders blindly rejected the peace plan, ignoring the opportunity for the Palestinian people to reap the territorial and economic benefits. They rejected the plan because it did not serve the immediate interests of the political elite in Fatah and Hamas. Neither Fatah nor Hamas leaders are willing to coexist with Israel because this contradicts their ideologies. The writer is director of the American Islamic Conference's North Africa bureau. 2020-03-20 00:00:00Full Article
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