Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
Back
(Bloomberg) Eli Lake - In the 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran, Israel was not a party to the deal. When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced to the world that Israeli operatives had stolen reams of detailed Iranian schematics and plans for building a nuclear weapon in 2018, he urged the audience to remember the name of Iranian nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh. Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons poses an existential threat to Israel and Gulf Arab states. Thus, it's mistaken to view the strike against Fakhrizadeh through the lens of its effect on President-elect Joe Biden's goal of re-entering the nuclear deal. It's more likely that the timing had more to do with the opportunity that presented itself to take out a high-value target such as Fakhrizadeh. Most observers believed that the only chance to destroy Iran's nuclear infrastructure was an air attack. The explosions at Iranian sites over the summer suggest that much of this task can be accomplished through intelligence operations. The upshot is that any future deal with Iran will have to address Israel's security needs. In 2015, Netanyahu was willing to risk Israel's most important alliance by addressing a joint session of Congress to oppose a deal that he believed imperiled his country's future. So it's highly unlikely that Israel would be willing to end its activities in Iran so the U.S. can rejoin that same deeply flawed nuclear agreement. Israel won't give up the capability to strike inside Iran unless Iran agrees to abandon the aspects of its nuclear program suitable for building bombs. 2020-12-03 00:00:00Full Article
On the Iran Nuclear Deal, Israel Gets a Vote
(Bloomberg) Eli Lake - In the 2015 nuclear agreement with Iran, Israel was not a party to the deal. When Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced to the world that Israeli operatives had stolen reams of detailed Iranian schematics and plans for building a nuclear weapon in 2018, he urged the audience to remember the name of Iranian nuclear scientist Mohsen Fakhrizadeh. Iran's pursuit of nuclear weapons poses an existential threat to Israel and Gulf Arab states. Thus, it's mistaken to view the strike against Fakhrizadeh through the lens of its effect on President-elect Joe Biden's goal of re-entering the nuclear deal. It's more likely that the timing had more to do with the opportunity that presented itself to take out a high-value target such as Fakhrizadeh. Most observers believed that the only chance to destroy Iran's nuclear infrastructure was an air attack. The explosions at Iranian sites over the summer suggest that much of this task can be accomplished through intelligence operations. The upshot is that any future deal with Iran will have to address Israel's security needs. In 2015, Netanyahu was willing to risk Israel's most important alliance by addressing a joint session of Congress to oppose a deal that he believed imperiled his country's future. So it's highly unlikely that Israel would be willing to end its activities in Iran so the U.S. can rejoin that same deeply flawed nuclear agreement. Israel won't give up the capability to strike inside Iran unless Iran agrees to abandon the aspects of its nuclear program suitable for building bombs. 2020-12-03 00:00:00Full Article
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