Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
Back
[Ha'aretz] Asher Susser - The Saudi peace initiative is a welcome one, even if Israel does not accept all its details. However, it is impossible to conduct a serious discussion on the Saudi peace plan without knowing exactly what it says - that is, to analyze it textually. The initiative was first approved at the Beirut summit in March 2002, and was approved again at the Riyadh summit in March 2007. In Riyadh it was determined that: "The achievement of a just solution to the Palestinian refugee problem should be agreed upon in accordance with UN General Assembly Resolution 194 while rejecting all forms of patriation [resettlement]"(in Arabic - tawtin). This is where the real problem lies, since the beginning of the statement is not consistent with the end. How can an agreement with Israel be arrived at on the refugee question, which clearly cannot be based on the return of millions of refugees, if from the outset the possibility of resettling refugees who will not return to Israel is rejected? The problem is that this position, which opposes all resettlement, is impossible for Israel. Marwan Muashar, Jordan's first ambassador to Israel, who eventually became Jordan's foreign minister, who was among the main writers of the first Saudi initiative, reveals in his recently published book that he immediately realized the problem in this formulation, and explained this to his Arab colleagues. Nevertheless, the closing statement of the Beirut summit, which was published along with the initiative, asserts: "The [Arab] leaders regard Israel as bearing the full legal responsibility for the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem and for their expulsion and reaffirm their total rejection of plans of solution or the schemes and the attempts intended to resettle them [tawinihin] outside their country." The writer is a senior fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel Aviv University. 2008-12-19 06:00:00Full Article
Looking Straight at the Saudi Peace Initiative
[Ha'aretz] Asher Susser - The Saudi peace initiative is a welcome one, even if Israel does not accept all its details. However, it is impossible to conduct a serious discussion on the Saudi peace plan without knowing exactly what it says - that is, to analyze it textually. The initiative was first approved at the Beirut summit in March 2002, and was approved again at the Riyadh summit in March 2007. In Riyadh it was determined that: "The achievement of a just solution to the Palestinian refugee problem should be agreed upon in accordance with UN General Assembly Resolution 194 while rejecting all forms of patriation [resettlement]"(in Arabic - tawtin). This is where the real problem lies, since the beginning of the statement is not consistent with the end. How can an agreement with Israel be arrived at on the refugee question, which clearly cannot be based on the return of millions of refugees, if from the outset the possibility of resettling refugees who will not return to Israel is rejected? The problem is that this position, which opposes all resettlement, is impossible for Israel. Marwan Muashar, Jordan's first ambassador to Israel, who eventually became Jordan's foreign minister, who was among the main writers of the first Saudi initiative, reveals in his recently published book that he immediately realized the problem in this formulation, and explained this to his Arab colleagues. Nevertheless, the closing statement of the Beirut summit, which was published along with the initiative, asserts: "The [Arab] leaders regard Israel as bearing the full legal responsibility for the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem and for their expulsion and reaffirm their total rejection of plans of solution or the schemes and the attempts intended to resettle them [tawinihin] outside their country." The writer is a senior fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies at Tel Aviv University. 2008-12-19 06:00:00Full Article
Search Daily Alert
Search:
|