Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
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Government:
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(Wall Street Journal) Walter Russell Mead - What really matters in the Middle East is the battle between Iran, increasingly backed by Russia and China, and the loose group of anti-Iranian powers that includes Israel and the American-backed Arab states. So far, Iran isn't getting what it wanted from the war. Iran's objective in arming, training and encouraging Hamas wasn't solely to cause Israel pain. The real goal was to disrupt the gradual deepening of strategic ties between Israel and its most important Arab neighbors. Iran's rulers, believing that controlling the Middle East's energy resources and religious sites would make the country a world power, want to establish themselves as the dominant force in the region. Sunni Arabs have long viewed Iran as a religious rival and a security threat. More recently, as Iran's march to hegemony left a trail of ruined countries and bloody corpses, suspicion solidified into terror and loathing. Tehran's support for Bashar al-Assad in Syria is responsible for many times more deaths and refugees than all the Israeli-Palestinian wars combined. Iran's support for Hizbullah converted once-prosperous Lebanon into a poverty-stricken Iranian satellite. Tehran hoped that Hamas' dramatic attacks would electrify public opinion in the region against Israel, the U.S. and the Arab rulers willing to work with them, forcing these rulers to placate their angry publics by abandoning any plans to work closely with Israel. So far, Bahrain, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt have all signaled that they intend, once the storm has passed, to go on working with Jerusalem for a safer, more stable Middle East. Instead of dividing Israel from the Arab states, the Hamas attacks reminded sensible people across the Middle East how important it is to hold Iran in check. Iran and its murderous proxies are mortal threats to the economic future that Arab rulers want and their people need. The Israeli-Palestinian problem, while real and consequential, pales before Iran's unappeasable drive for power as the region's leading cause of war and unrest. The writer, a fellow at the Hudson Institute, is Professor of Foreign Affairs and Humanities at Bard College.2023-11-07 00:00:00Full Article
Iran Might Have Miscalculated in Gaza
(Wall Street Journal) Walter Russell Mead - What really matters in the Middle East is the battle between Iran, increasingly backed by Russia and China, and the loose group of anti-Iranian powers that includes Israel and the American-backed Arab states. So far, Iran isn't getting what it wanted from the war. Iran's objective in arming, training and encouraging Hamas wasn't solely to cause Israel pain. The real goal was to disrupt the gradual deepening of strategic ties between Israel and its most important Arab neighbors. Iran's rulers, believing that controlling the Middle East's energy resources and religious sites would make the country a world power, want to establish themselves as the dominant force in the region. Sunni Arabs have long viewed Iran as a religious rival and a security threat. More recently, as Iran's march to hegemony left a trail of ruined countries and bloody corpses, suspicion solidified into terror and loathing. Tehran's support for Bashar al-Assad in Syria is responsible for many times more deaths and refugees than all the Israeli-Palestinian wars combined. Iran's support for Hizbullah converted once-prosperous Lebanon into a poverty-stricken Iranian satellite. Tehran hoped that Hamas' dramatic attacks would electrify public opinion in the region against Israel, the U.S. and the Arab rulers willing to work with them, forcing these rulers to placate their angry publics by abandoning any plans to work closely with Israel. So far, Bahrain, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt have all signaled that they intend, once the storm has passed, to go on working with Jerusalem for a safer, more stable Middle East. Instead of dividing Israel from the Arab states, the Hamas attacks reminded sensible people across the Middle East how important it is to hold Iran in check. Iran and its murderous proxies are mortal threats to the economic future that Arab rulers want and their people need. The Israeli-Palestinian problem, while real and consequential, pales before Iran's unappeasable drive for power as the region's leading cause of war and unrest. The writer, a fellow at the Hudson Institute, is Professor of Foreign Affairs and Humanities at Bard College.2023-11-07 00:00:00Full Article
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