Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Israel Hayom) Meir Ben Shabbat - President Biden's standing by Israel at the start of the war with Hamas will be remembered as one of the high points in the special relationship between the countries. But this has been blunted by the passage of time and the images from Gaza. Biden's demand to increase humanitarian aid and related initiatives (airdrops, maritime pier) show that his administration has not internalized that the problem is not delivering aid to Gaza, but its distribution within it. Hamas will take control of everything that enters. It will use it to supply its fighters (and prolong their ability to fight) and strengthen its rule. The way to prevent this is to deliver the aid to areas where Hamas would not be able to access it. The U.S. discounts the extent of public support for Hamas in Gaza, and the fact that it is entrenched in all spheres of life. The administration holds an optimistic assessment regarding the ability to bring about deep change through governmental models under Arab or international auspices. America's vision includes peace agreements between Israel and Saudi Arabia and the establishment of a Palestinian state. But from Israel's perspective, normalization with Saudi Arabia will not compensate for Hamas' non-defeat. Talk of a "Palestinian state" after the Oct. 7 massacre constitutes a prize for Hamas and expresses a lack of understanding of the sentiment in the Israeli public. Anyone who thinks that after Oct. 7 Israel will take risks like those taken in the past lives in a fantasy land. The Biden administration has not internalized that for Israel, the defeat of Hamas is an existential issue. It is not like America's wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which were conducted thousands of miles away. Israel's deterrence that collapsed on Oct. 7 will not be restored if Israel stops short of meeting the goals it has defined for the war. The temptation for players in our region to attack it will grow. The writer, a former Israeli national security advisor, is chairman of the Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy in Jerusalem.2024-03-17 00:00:00Full Article
U.S. Fails to Understand What This War Means to Israel
(Israel Hayom) Meir Ben Shabbat - President Biden's standing by Israel at the start of the war with Hamas will be remembered as one of the high points in the special relationship between the countries. But this has been blunted by the passage of time and the images from Gaza. Biden's demand to increase humanitarian aid and related initiatives (airdrops, maritime pier) show that his administration has not internalized that the problem is not delivering aid to Gaza, but its distribution within it. Hamas will take control of everything that enters. It will use it to supply its fighters (and prolong their ability to fight) and strengthen its rule. The way to prevent this is to deliver the aid to areas where Hamas would not be able to access it. The U.S. discounts the extent of public support for Hamas in Gaza, and the fact that it is entrenched in all spheres of life. The administration holds an optimistic assessment regarding the ability to bring about deep change through governmental models under Arab or international auspices. America's vision includes peace agreements between Israel and Saudi Arabia and the establishment of a Palestinian state. But from Israel's perspective, normalization with Saudi Arabia will not compensate for Hamas' non-defeat. Talk of a "Palestinian state" after the Oct. 7 massacre constitutes a prize for Hamas and expresses a lack of understanding of the sentiment in the Israeli public. Anyone who thinks that after Oct. 7 Israel will take risks like those taken in the past lives in a fantasy land. The Biden administration has not internalized that for Israel, the defeat of Hamas is an existential issue. It is not like America's wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, which were conducted thousands of miles away. Israel's deterrence that collapsed on Oct. 7 will not be restored if Israel stops short of meeting the goals it has defined for the war. The temptation for players in our region to attack it will grow. The writer, a former Israeli national security advisor, is chairman of the Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy in Jerusalem.2024-03-17 00:00:00Full Article
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