Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
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(Wall Street Journal) Michael Doran - President Biden sees the death of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar as an opportunity to end the war in Gaza. Yet the Administration's approach clashes with the situation on the ground, and Sinwar's death hasn't changed that. Team Biden's diplomacy suffers from major errors. First, it mistakenly assumed that Mr. Netanyahu could be forced into accepting a chastened Hamas as a major political actor in Gaza. Mr. Biden presumably hopes that Sinwar's death will force Hamas to negotiate a ceasefire. But in the eyes of most Israelis, the killing simply vindicated Mr. Netanyahu's demand for "total victory." Second, Biden officials seem to want a ceasefire in Gaza that will also lead to a ceasefire in Lebanon. They expect Hizbullah and Iran to stop attacking Israel once Hamas agrees to a ceasefire, and they call for an immediate ceasefire in Lebanon followed by a period of diplomacy. But the Israelis feel, correctly, that the tide of war in Lebanon has shifted dramatically in their favor. Why would Israel take its boot from Hizbullah's neck first and then start negotiating? With respect to the security of its northern border, the Israeli government has little maneuvering room. Many tens of thousands of Israelis have been evacuated from their homes in the north. They won't return until they are certain Hizbullah will never be able to fire rockets and missiles at them again. Announcing a ceasefire wouldn't be sufficient reassurance. The writer is director of the Hudson Institute's Center for Peace and Security in the Middle East. 2024-10-20 00:00:00Full Article
Israel Kills Sinwar, and Biden Wants to "Move On"
(Wall Street Journal) Michael Doran - President Biden sees the death of Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar as an opportunity to end the war in Gaza. Yet the Administration's approach clashes with the situation on the ground, and Sinwar's death hasn't changed that. Team Biden's diplomacy suffers from major errors. First, it mistakenly assumed that Mr. Netanyahu could be forced into accepting a chastened Hamas as a major political actor in Gaza. Mr. Biden presumably hopes that Sinwar's death will force Hamas to negotiate a ceasefire. But in the eyes of most Israelis, the killing simply vindicated Mr. Netanyahu's demand for "total victory." Second, Biden officials seem to want a ceasefire in Gaza that will also lead to a ceasefire in Lebanon. They expect Hizbullah and Iran to stop attacking Israel once Hamas agrees to a ceasefire, and they call for an immediate ceasefire in Lebanon followed by a period of diplomacy. But the Israelis feel, correctly, that the tide of war in Lebanon has shifted dramatically in their favor. Why would Israel take its boot from Hizbullah's neck first and then start negotiating? With respect to the security of its northern border, the Israeli government has little maneuvering room. Many tens of thousands of Israelis have been evacuated from their homes in the north. They won't return until they are certain Hizbullah will never be able to fire rockets and missiles at them again. Announcing a ceasefire wouldn't be sufficient reassurance. The writer is director of the Hudson Institute's Center for Peace and Security in the Middle East. 2024-10-20 00:00:00Full Article
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