Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
Back
(UnHerd) Shany Mor - Western diplomats and experts have settled on a consensus for solving the war in Lebanon. At its core, this approach focuses on restoring the very ceasefire conditions which Lebanon and Hizbullah violated last year. UN Security Council Resolution 1701, that ended the last war in 2006, included several clear obligations. Israel was to withdraw from Lebanese territory. Hizbullah was to move all its forces north of the Litani River, creating a buffer zone where the only permitted armed forces would be those of the UN peacekeeping force (UNIFIL) and the Lebanese Army (LFA). Hizbullah was supposed to be decommissioned as an armed force inside sovereign Lebanese territory. Israeli withdrawal was implemented within days. The other measures were not. Once Israel's withdrawal was complete, UNIFIL announced that it had no intention of enforcing 1701. Over the course of the next 17 years, Hizbullah assembled an arsenal of rockets and missiles. It also built a network of tunnels that were supposed to allow it, in a future war, to "conquer the Galilee" in an operation similar to the one Hamas ultimately launched. If there is one thread running through nearly every diplomatic effort of the last eight decades, it is a firm commitment to the idea that any party that launches a war against Israel and is then defeated is entitled to a restoration of the conditions it violently rejected when launching the war. Such a norm has not featured in the post-war mediation of any other conflict. If the international community extended a line of insurance to other aggressors, which promised that launching wars could bring gains with victory but no losses with defeat, there would be a lot more wars. The writer is a lecturer in political thought at Reichman University. 2024-11-21 00:00:00Full Article
Is Another Ceasefire in Lebanon Bound to Fail?
(UnHerd) Shany Mor - Western diplomats and experts have settled on a consensus for solving the war in Lebanon. At its core, this approach focuses on restoring the very ceasefire conditions which Lebanon and Hizbullah violated last year. UN Security Council Resolution 1701, that ended the last war in 2006, included several clear obligations. Israel was to withdraw from Lebanese territory. Hizbullah was to move all its forces north of the Litani River, creating a buffer zone where the only permitted armed forces would be those of the UN peacekeeping force (UNIFIL) and the Lebanese Army (LFA). Hizbullah was supposed to be decommissioned as an armed force inside sovereign Lebanese territory. Israeli withdrawal was implemented within days. The other measures were not. Once Israel's withdrawal was complete, UNIFIL announced that it had no intention of enforcing 1701. Over the course of the next 17 years, Hizbullah assembled an arsenal of rockets and missiles. It also built a network of tunnels that were supposed to allow it, in a future war, to "conquer the Galilee" in an operation similar to the one Hamas ultimately launched. If there is one thread running through nearly every diplomatic effort of the last eight decades, it is a firm commitment to the idea that any party that launches a war against Israel and is then defeated is entitled to a restoration of the conditions it violently rejected when launching the war. Such a norm has not featured in the post-war mediation of any other conflict. If the international community extended a line of insurance to other aggressors, which promised that launching wars could bring gains with victory but no losses with defeat, there would be a lot more wars. The writer is a lecturer in political thought at Reichman University. 2024-11-21 00:00:00Full Article
Search Daily Alert
Search:
|