Additional Resources
Top Commentators:
- Elliott Abrams
- Fouad Ajami
- Shlomo Avineri
- Benny Avni
- Alan Dershowitz
- Jackson Diehl
- Dore Gold
- Daniel Gordis
- Tom Gross
- Jonathan Halevy
- David Ignatius
- Pinchas Inbari
- Jeff Jacoby
- Efraim Karsh
- Mordechai Kedar
- Charles Krauthammer
- Emily Landau
- David Makovsky
- Aaron David Miller
- Benny Morris
- Jacques Neriah
- Marty Peretz
- Melanie Phillips
- Daniel Pipes
- Harold Rhode
- Gary Rosenblatt
- Jennifer Rubin
- David Schenkar
- Shimon Shapira
- Jonathan Spyer
- Gerald Steinberg
- Bret Stephens
- Amir Taheri
- Josh Teitelbaum
- Khaled Abu Toameh
- Jonathan Tobin
- Michael Totten
- Michael Young
- Mort Zuckerman
Think Tanks:
- American Enterprise Institute
- Brookings Institution
- Center for Security Policy
- Council on Foreign Relations
- Heritage Foundation
- Hudson Institute
- Institute for Contemporary Affairs
- Institute for Counter-Terrorism
- Institute for Global Jewish Affairs
- Institute for National Security Studies
- Institute for Science and Intl. Security
- Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center
- Investigative Project
- Jerusalem Center for Public Affairs
- RAND Corporation
- Saban Center for Middle East Policy
- Shalem Center
- Washington Institute for Near East Policy
Media:
- CAMERA
- Daily Alert
- Jewish Political Studies Review
- MEMRI
- NGO Monitor
- Palestinian Media Watch
- The Israel Project
- YouTube
Government:
Back
(Los Angeles Times) Nabih Bulos - In its myth-making and propaganda, Hizbullah portrays the war with Israel as a victory, a greater triumph than the last major engagement between the two sides in 2006. But the militant group now has to contend with an aftermath that for many Lebanese, including some Hizbullah partisans, looks very much like defeat. Thousands of its fighters and supporters are dead, the upper echelons of its leadership decimated. Wide swaths of pro-Hizbullah areas are all but flattened; almost 100,000 people remain displaced and Israeli forces still occupy parts of Lebanon. Hizbullah had vowed its arsenal of long-range missiles would level Israeli cities the instant Lebanese cities were targeted. But that never happened. Hizbullah leadership had no sense of how deeply Israeli intelligence had penetrated its ranks, booby-trapping the group's pagers and walkie-talkies and picking off its senior commanders, including its secretary-general of 32 years, Hassan Nasrallah. While despite being at its weakest in years, Hizbullah retains a loyal following. Yet not everyone in southern Lebanon agrees. Not a single structure in the hamlet of Bustan survived Israel's offensive, including the house Ahmad Al-Ahmad, 43, built with money he earned working for more than two decades in Berlin. The promised compensation from Hizbullah had yet to materialize. He said he would return to Berlin to work, but wouldn't rebuild so long as Hizbullah remained dominant in southern Lebanon. Ali, 49, a merchant in Tyre, said, "People talk about victory. What victory? All this destruction and death? What was this for? Hizbullah must pay to fix this. And if they don't, we're going to kick them out." Few Lebanese believe the group has the funds to compensate for the damage. Many Lebanese feel anger toward Hizbullah for dragging the country into an ill-conceived war, said Michael Young, senior editor at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. "There's a great deal of mistrust of Hizbullah." 2025-03-11 00:00:00Full Article
Lebanon Grapples with Hizbullah's
(Los Angeles Times) Nabih Bulos - In its myth-making and propaganda, Hizbullah portrays the war with Israel as a victory, a greater triumph than the last major engagement between the two sides in 2006. But the militant group now has to contend with an aftermath that for many Lebanese, including some Hizbullah partisans, looks very much like defeat. Thousands of its fighters and supporters are dead, the upper echelons of its leadership decimated. Wide swaths of pro-Hizbullah areas are all but flattened; almost 100,000 people remain displaced and Israeli forces still occupy parts of Lebanon. Hizbullah had vowed its arsenal of long-range missiles would level Israeli cities the instant Lebanese cities were targeted. But that never happened. Hizbullah leadership had no sense of how deeply Israeli intelligence had penetrated its ranks, booby-trapping the group's pagers and walkie-talkies and picking off its senior commanders, including its secretary-general of 32 years, Hassan Nasrallah. While despite being at its weakest in years, Hizbullah retains a loyal following. Yet not everyone in southern Lebanon agrees. Not a single structure in the hamlet of Bustan survived Israel's offensive, including the house Ahmad Al-Ahmad, 43, built with money he earned working for more than two decades in Berlin. The promised compensation from Hizbullah had yet to materialize. He said he would return to Berlin to work, but wouldn't rebuild so long as Hizbullah remained dominant in southern Lebanon. Ali, 49, a merchant in Tyre, said, "People talk about victory. What victory? All this destruction and death? What was this for? Hizbullah must pay to fix this. And if they don't, we're going to kick them out." Few Lebanese believe the group has the funds to compensate for the damage. Many Lebanese feel anger toward Hizbullah for dragging the country into an ill-conceived war, said Michael Young, senior editor at the Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut. "There's a great deal of mistrust of Hizbullah." 2025-03-11 00:00:00Full Article
Search Daily Alert
Search:
|